ABSTRACT
Resumo Discute as fontes das intendências municipais, sobretudo as correspondências, como subsídios importantes para a compreensão das relações entre a população pobre e a administração pública durante a Primeira República brasileira. Tem como fio condutor o discurso dos indivíduos que remetiam à municipalidade de Santa Maria cartas em que autodeclaravam pobreza, a fim de investigar quais as estratégias de sobrevivência desse grupo e quais os recursos de assistência pública e privada disponíveis no interior do Rio Grande do Sul. Traçando o perfil da pobreza, analisa as diferenças de gênero, evidenciadas nas justificativas dos pedidos de socorro à intendência.
Abstract This paper discusses the archives of municipal authorities, especially their correspondence, as important inputs for understanding the relationships between the poor population and the public administration during the early republican years in Brazil (1889 to 1930). The discourse of individuals who sent letters to the municipality of Santa Maria in which they claimed to be poor is discussed in order to investigate what survival strategies these people used and what public and private recourse they could turn to in the province of Rio Grande do Sul. Tracing the profile of poverty, the gender differences, marked in the justifications given in the requests for aid from the municipal authority, are analyzed.
Subject(s)
Humans , History, 19th Century , History, 20th Century , Public Administration , Correspondence as Topic , Brazil , History, 19th Century , History, 20th CenturyABSTRACT
Resumo O rábula Evaristo de Moraes e o médico Nina Rodrigues elaboraram investigações sobre o comportamento criminoso de Marcelino Bispo - autor do atentado contra Prudente de Moraes em 5 de novembro de 1897 - indicando uma questão comum: a responsabilidade penal. Reivindicando adesão aos postulados da antropologia criminal, compartilhavam a convicção de que a responsabilidade penal do anspeçada deveria ser atenuada em função de seu caráter sugestionado. A despeito das semelhanças, o uso específico que cada um deles faz das contribuições da criminologia não nos permitiria identificar diferentes formas de apropriação de igual matriz intelectual? O objetivo deste artigo é analisar as convergências e divergências argumentativas de ambos em suas análises.
Abstract The lawyer Evaristo de Moraes and the physician Nina Rodrigues both investigated the criminal behavior of Marcelino Bispo, the perpetrator of an attack against President Prudente de Moraes on November 5, 1897, both highlighting the same issue: criminal responsibility. Speaking out in favor of the precepts of criminal anthropology, they shared the conviction that Bispo's criminal responsibility should be attenuated in virtue of his suggestible nature. Despite the similarities, could the specific ways they each used the contributions of criminology give us the chance to identify different forms of appropriation of a single intellectual framework? The aim of this study therefore consists of analyzing where the arguments in their respective analyses converged and diverged.
Subject(s)
Humans , History, 19th Century , BrazilABSTRACT
Resumo Para o Brasil urbano, a Primeira Guerra Mundial foi o disparador de uma dramática crise alimentar que trouxe consigo um aumento massivo de falsificações, gerando enorme celeuma em meio ao grande público. No alvo das críticas estavam as autoridades sanitárias, evidentemente incapazes de reprimir a fraude. O texto abrange o período da Primeira República e demostra que desde a sua proclamação a questão da regulação do comércio alimentar fazia parte das políticas sanitárias, mas que sua institucionalização foi seguidas vezes postergada em razão da existência de outras prioridades. Isso mudou apenas com as reformas sanitárias dos anos 1920, o que permite identificar a crise alimentar da Primeira Guerra Mundial como ponto decisivo para a responsabilização do Estado brasileiro nesse âmbito.
Abstract For urban Brazil, the First World War triggered a dramatic food crisis that brought with it a massive increase in falsified goods and led to an uproar among the general public. Critics targeted the health authorities, who were evidently unable to suppress these frauds. This text spans the First Republic period and shows that since its proclamation the issue of regulating the food trade was part of health policies, but implementation was repeatedly delayed because of other priorities. This situation only changed with the health reforms of the early 1920s, which allows us to identify the First World War food crisis as a decisive point for the Brazilian state to take responsibility in this area.
Subject(s)
Humans , History, 19th Century , History, 20th Century , Food Hygiene , Health Care Reform , Control and Sanitary Supervision of Foods and Beverages , Health Policy , Brazil , History, 19th Century , History, 20th CenturyABSTRACT
RESUMO Este artigo analisa o recrutamento de senadores do Brasil entre 1890 e 1934, período que compreende um regime político oligárquico. Pretendemos responder, para usar a terminologia de Robert Dahl, se é possível encontrar profissionalização política em meio a um regime de "oligarquias competitivas", marcado por participação restringida e por competição política limitada a pequenos grupos dominantes. Em caso positivo, será possível problematizar a relação recorrente que a literatura clássica e contemporânea estabelece entre poliarquia e profissionalização política e sugerir que esta pode ocorrer mesmo sob um regime de "oligarquias competitivas". A análise se baseia na reconstituição da carreira política de 851 mandatários desse período.
ABSTRACT The following article analyzes the recruitment of Brazilian senators in the period running from 1890 to 1934, when the country was under an oligarchic political regime. Utilizing Robert Dahl's terminology, we aim to identify if it is possible to gauge political professionalization in the midst of a regime of "competitive oligarchies" marked by restricted participation and by political competition limited by the domination of small groups. If found to be true, this will allow us to problematize the relationship often made in classic and contemporary literature between polyarchies and political professionalization and to suggest that this can even occur under a regime of "competitive oligarchies". The analysis is based on a tracing of the political careers of 851 leaders throughout the period.
RÉSUMÉ Cet article analyse le recrutement des sénateurs brésiliens entre 1890 et 1934, à savoir une période marquée par un régime politique oligarchique. En reprenant la terminologie de Robert Dahl, notre but est de savoir si la professionnalisation politique est possible au sein d'un régime d'"oligarchies compétitives" marqué par une participation restreinte et une concurrence politique limitée à de petits groupes dominants. Si c'est le cas, nous pourrons mettre en perspective la relation récurrente que la littérature classique et contemporaine établit entre polyarchie et professionnalisation politique, et suggérer que cela peut également se produire sous un régime d'"oligarchies compétitives". Notre analyse se base sur la reconstitution de la carrière politique de 851 hommes politiques de cette période.
RESUMEN Este artículo analiza el reclutamiento de los senadores del gobierno brasileño entre 1890 y 1934, período marcado por un régimen político oligárquico. Pretendemos responder a la cuestión de si es posible encontrar profesionalización política en medio a un régimen de "oligarquías competitivas" - haciendo uso de la terminología de Robert Dahl -, caracterizado por la participación restringida y por una competencia política limitada a pequeños grupos dominantes. En caso afirmativo, será posible discutir la relación recurrente que la literatura clásica y contemporánea establece entre poliarquía y profesionalización política, y sugerir que esta última puede tener lugar incluso en un régimen de "oligarquías competitivas". El análisis se basa en la reconstitución de la carrera política de 851 mandatarios de este período.
ABSTRACT
The Republic of Korea(ROK) and the World Health Organization(WHO) have done many projects successfully from 1949, in which the government of First Republic joined the WHO. However the relation between the ROK and the WHO have not been studied very much so far. The main purpose of this research, which could be done by the support of WHO, is connected with three questions. First research point would be "how could the ROK joined WHO in 1949 and what's the meaning of it? And the what's the difference in the process for the WHO between the ROK of 1949 and the DPRK(Democratic People's Republic of Korea) of 1973?" The first president of the ROK, Rhee Syngman, who had received his Ph. D.(about international politics) from Princeton University in 1910, was strongly interested in joining international institutes like UN, WHO. The ROK that could join WHO on 17 August 1949, with the approval of Assembly on 25 May 1949, was one of the founder members of the Western Pacific Region. By joining WHO, the ROK could get chance to increase the level of public health and its administration in 1950's. But the DPRK manage to became a member of WHO on 19 May 1973 and joined the South-East Asia Region. The joining of DPRK was influenced by the easing of the cold war after the Nixon Doctrine and the joining of the China(People's Republic of China). Second research point would be "What kind of roll did the WHO take in the First Republic?" Yet the public health administration of the First Republic that had been made in the period of US army military government was been strongly influenced by USA, the roll of WHO was also important in the 1950's. Last research point would be "What kind of the projects did the ROK and the WHO take part in during the period of he First Republic? How could evaluate the results?" The ROK and the WHO handled the projects including health services, communicable disease prevention and control, control of noncommunicable diseases, and protection of health. Specially for the efforts to prevent communicable disease, the WHO focused on leprosy, malaria, measles, smallpox, tuberculosis in 1950's. The First Republic could overcome the bad health condition after the Korea War successfully, supported by WHO.
Subject(s)
History, 20th Century , Politics , Public Health/history , Republic of Korea , World Health Organization/historyABSTRACT
Examina as expressões de demofobia da classe política da Primeira República, em faces das manifestações do povo carioca, relacionando-as à necessidade de mudar para o interior a sede do governo federal. A literatura demófoba produzida pelos liberais europeus contrários à democratização em seus países impregnou a orientação da classe política brasileira do período. Empenhados em construir uma federação oligárquica, viam a população do Rio de Janeiro como uma ameaça. Contra um subversivo povo-multidão de uma capital cosmopolita, artificial e estrangeirada, o federalismo oligárquico valorizava um ‘autêntico' povo brasileiro que remetia ao imaginário de uma população interiorana e ordeira.
This study examines the expressions of demophobia of the political class of the First Republic, faced with demonstrations against the government in Rio de Janeiro, and relates them to the need to move to the seat of the federal government inland. The demophobic literature produced by liberal Europeans against democratization in their countries pervaded the orientation of the Brazilian political class during the period. Committed to building an oligarchic federation, they saw the population of Rio de Janeiro as a threat. Compared to a subversive crowd of people in a huge, artificial capital suffering from foreign influence, oligarchic federalism valued the ‘authentic' Brazilian people, referred to the image of a provincial, orderly population.
Subject(s)
Humans , History, 19th Century , History, 20th Century , Politics , Population , Hazards , Agoraphobia/history , Brazil , Federal Government , History, 19th Century , History, 20th CenturyABSTRACT
Este artigo disserta sobre categorias relevantes para a psicologia conforme elaboradas por Manoel Bomfim nas primeiras décadas do século XX. Bomfim teceu considerações conceituais ricas para uma abordagem histórica e social da psicologia. Seu livro central de psicologia advoga em defesa de uma concepção processual de psiquismo suplantando de maneira eloquente algumas dicotomias que marcaram a institucionalização das abordagens psicológicas nas universidades dividindo e reificando os aspectos individuais e os sociais, biológicos e psíquicos. O trabalho termina indicando como essas propostas revelam no plano conceitual de uma psicologia seu envolvimento com projetos coletivos relacionados à vida republicana e à função da educação
This paper argues that it is important to reacess some psychological categories as thought by Manoel Bomfim in the early years of 20th century. Bomfim has shaped rich psychological conceptualizations in regard of its historical and social aspects. His major psychological work advocates a processual proposal of the mind allowing us to cease some of the remarkable oppositions still existent in psychology. They have been important since the institutionalization of the psychological field at the universities and they had put aside individual and socials aspects, as well as biological and psychological ones. This paper concludes showing how his psychological proposals reveal his engagement to social programs related to republican principles and educational projects
Subject(s)
Humans , Psychology , Education , Brazil , HistoryABSTRACT
Este artigo tem por objetivo estudar a construção do Hospital do Câncer na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, a partir de uma análise das ações e dos grupos sociais envolvidos com a filantropia na cidade, durante a Primeira República. Para tal, apresenta-se um estudo prosopográfico inicial dessa elite, apontando para sua configuração na criação da instituição. Um segundo recorte refere-se às ações filantrópicas de Guilherme Guinle nesse período.
The article explores construction of the Cancer Hospital in Rio de Janeiro from the perspective of an analysis of the city's social groups and their activities involving philanthropy under the First Republic. It offers a preliminary prosopographical study of this elite and examines how it helped to shape creation of the medical facility. The article also addresses Guilherme Guinle's philanthropic initiatives during the period.