A reabilitação de um paradigma perdido: a psicologia política(*) / The rehabilitation of a lost paradigm: political psychology / La rehabilitación de un paradigma perdido: la psicología política

Observamos uma grave crise epistemológica nas ciências humanas e sociais. As diversas disciplinas conflitam em múltiplas microteorias auto-reprodutoras. A falta de um paradigma comum dificulta abordagens multidisciplinares. Nesse sentido a reabilitação da psicologia política tem um papel unificador configurando-se como uma abordagem heurística transversal, onde variáveis políticas e sociológicas são compreendidas como um todo histórico e cultural. Além disto, a Psicologia Política é capaz de analisar com uma visão de conjunto os principais problemas da sociedade contemporânea e inaugurar novos campos de pesquisa sobre as debilidades democráticas e o congelamento das elites políticas.

Abstract We observe a serious epistemological crisis in the human and social sciences. The different disciplines conflict in multiple self-reproducing micro-theories. The lack of a common paradigm makes multidisciplinary approaches difficult. In this sense, the rehabilitation of political psychology has a unifying role, configuring itself as a transversal heuristic approach, where political and sociological variables are understood as a historical and cultural whole. In addition, Political Psychology is able to analyze the main problems of contemporary society with an overview and to inaugurate new fields of research on democratic weaknesses and the freezing of political elites.

Observamos una grave crisis epistemológica en las ciencias humanas y sociales. Las diferentes disciplinas entran en conflicto en múltiples microteorías que se reproducen a sí mismas. La falta de un paradigma común dificulta los enfoques multidisciplinarios. En este sentido, la rehabilitación de la psicología política tiene un rol unificador, configurándose como un enfoque heurístico transversal, donde las variables políticas y sociológicas se entienden como un todo histórico y cultural. Además, la Psicología Política es capaz de analizar los principales problemas de la sociedad contemporánea con una visión de conjunto e inaugurar nuevos campos de investigación sobre las debilidades democráticas y el congelamiento de las élites políticas.

Confianza política, valores sociales e ideología política de las elites de poder / Political trust, social values and political ideology of power elites

El estudio de los valores sociales, la ideología política y la confianza política, como orientaciones que cumplen la función de organizar las mediaciones cognitivas y afectivas de los miembros que componen la elite política, se vuelve relevante a la hora de aproximarnos a la comprensión de los grupos de poder que median entre los intereses y demandas ciudadanas. Por ello, la investigación realizada tuvo como objetivo principal examinar comparativamente las variables confianza política, valores e ideología política en grupos conformados por integrantes de los tres poderes del Estado provincial, sindicatos, universidad pública e instituciones religiosas. El estudio se realizó con un muestreo no probabilístico de 75 casos típicos. Para evaluar la confianza política se valoró el nivel de confianza institucional atribuido por los miembros de la elite a distintos actores sociales y políticos. Se administraron la Escala de Clima Socio-emocional (Páez, Ruiz, Gailly, Kornblit, Wiesenfeld & Vidal, 1996), el Cuestionario de Valores Sociales (Gouveia, 1998) y la Escala de Ideología Política (Brussino, Rabbia, Imhoff & Paz García, 2011). Los datos fueron sometidos a análisis de variancia de un solo factor con grupos de tamaños desiguales y comparaciones post-hoc con tests de Bonferroni. Asimismo, considerando la baja cantidad de casos en algunos grupos, se realizaron análisis no paramétricos para corroborar la consistencia de los mismos. Si bien se trata de un estudio exploratorio, los resultados obtenidos permiten la comprensión de estos grupos de poder en cuanto a las orientaciones ideológicas y actitudinales que prioriza cada sector en el proceso de influencia social.

The study of social values, political ideology and political trust, in forms of orientations wich serves to the function of organizing the cognitive and affective mediations from the members of the political elite, becomes relevant to the approach of understanding the power groups, who mediate between the interests and the citizens' demands. Therefore, the aim of this research was mainly to comparatively examine the variables of political trust, social values and political ideology in groups formed by members of the three branches of the provincial government, unions, public university and religious institutions. This study was conducted with a non-probabilistic sample of 75 typical cases. To assess the political trust, institutional trust levels were measured attributed to the members of the elite of different social and political actors, and the Socio-emotional Climate Scale (Páez, Ruiz, Gailly, Kornblit, & Wiesenfeld, 1996). Besides the Social Values Questionnaire (Gouveia, 1998) and the Political Ideology Scale (Brussino, Rabbia, Imhoff, & Paz García, 2011) were administered. Data were analyzed using the ANOVA single factor with groups of unequal size, and post-hoc comparisons with the Bonferroni´s Test. This test is the most conservative because it singles out fewer differences from those, which really exists among data. The probability of error Type I was set as < .05. Although the bibliography suggests that the test is long enough to be applied even when the assumptions do not occur, in this case non-parametric analysis were conducted to corroborate the consistency of the results. The obtained data allows one approach to understanding ideas and representations in the members of the elite, and become relevant in terms of political role that these actors interpret. The results pointed that the political elite of Neuquén (EPN) was characterized by a predominance of subjects with tertiary and university levels of education, mostly married or partnered, and mainly young adult men. on regards to the political trust variable, on one hand only trade union representatives considered that human rights organizations and their own sectors were worthy of institutional trust; on the other hand as for a negative socio-emotional perception, were the members of legislative, university and religious EPN those with a higher perception of disconfort, wich is opposed to de vision of representative members from an executive branch of provincial government. As for the results found for the socialvalues variable, the religious representatives consider more important the normative and interactional dimensions, while the members of the three branches of goverment attribute relevance to the achievement - realization values. Also, in relation with political ideology variable, the religious representatives present the higher level of agreement with issues related to the sexual and religious conservatism dimension, and the members of the three brances of government are those with less level of agreement with the topics of guarantor and multicultural liberalism. Although this is an exploratory study, the results allow understanding these power groups as to ideological and attitudinal orientations prioritized in each sector in the process of social influence. However, is necessary noted that given the small sample size, which is usually conditioned by the difficulty of access to the population, these findings should be taken with the care and reserve that requires any interpretation of data, and the social effects that requiring further studies in this line. Also, future research would be necessary to consider in the study of elites, the timing of the charges and positions occupied by participants of each sector and the autonomy enjoyed by the selective processes by which have agreed to such places. This variables set could influence the differences in distribution of power into every policy area (Cao et al., 2011).

Coesão e disciplina partidária no Senado Federal / Party cohesion and discipline in the Brazilian National Senate / Cohésion et discipline des partis au Sénat Fédéral brésilien

This article analyzes party discipline in the Brazilian Senate based on a previously untapped database covering roll call votes from 1989 to 2009. As occurs in the Chamber of Deputies, political parties in the Senate display a high degree of unity that remains reasonably stable over time. Despite the similar results in the two Houses, I suggest that the explanations are not the same. As compared to the Chamber of Deputies, the Senate appears to feel less power from the Executive, the leaders are scarcely relevant, and the decision-making process is less centralized. I do not offer a solution to this paradox, but I do suggest that it involves not only the institutional rules, but also the organizational characteristics and even the political profile of the Senators themselves.

Dans cet article, on évalue la discipline des partis au Sénat fédéral, à partir de données inédites qui englobent les scrutins nominaux effectués pendant 21 ans, de 1989 à 2009. De même qu'à la chambre des députés, les partis du sénat ont manifesté une forte unité, assez stable au cours des années. Malgré les similitudes rencontrées dans les résultats pour les deux chambres législatives, les justifications ne semblent pas être les mêmes. Si on assiste aux débat des députés, la force du pouvoir exécutif au sénat semble moindre, ses leaders, moins importants et le processus décisionnel, moins centralisé. On ne propose pas de solution à ce paradoxe, mais il semble qu'elle réside non seulement dans les règles institutionnelles mais aussi dans les caractéristiques organisationnelles, voire dans le profil politique des sénateurs.