LA AMENAZA ROJA Prensa, anticomunismo y miedo en la polarización política de Colombia y el departamento de Santander, 1930-1946

Paralelo a las transformaciones políticas y culturales a nivel mundial en los años veinte, se inició en Colombia, en este mismo decenio, un ambiente de polarización política, la cual tuvo un nuevo ingrediente en la renovada disputa entre los partidos tradicionales: el pánico rojo. El pánico rojo fue una estrategia de permanente campaña de desinformación que los diarios locales y nacionales llevaron a cabo con claros intereses políticos. El propósito de este artículo es analizar este temor al comunismo en el contexto de la confrontación política en las décadas de 1930-1940 en Santander: Esto permitirá reconocer qué grupos, y desde qué publicaciones periódicas, se asumieron como grupos de izquierda. Además, se busca identificar quiénes fueron tachados de comunistas y cómo se utilizó esta arma discursiva a partir del miedo, para polarizar aún más la política y exacerbar la violencia. Para llevar a cabo este análisis, se examinarán tres publicaciones periódicas de diferentes espectros políticos: "El Deber", "Vanguardia Liberal" y "Tribuna Liberal". Se prestará especial atención al uso cambiante que estos diarios hicieron del anticomunismo en diferentes coyunturas políticas.

Parallel to the worldwide political and cultural transformations in the twenties, an environment of political polarization began in Colombia in this same decade, which had a new ingredient in the renewed dispute between the traditional parties: the red panic. The red panic was a permanent disinformation campaign strategy carried out by local and national newspapers with clear political interests. The purpose of this article is to analyze this fear of communism in the context of the political confrontation in the I930-I940s in Santander This will make it possible to recognize which groups, and from which periodicals, assumed themselves to be left-wing groups. In addition, it seeks to identify who was branded as communists and how this discursive weapon was used based on fear, to further polarize politics and exacerbate violence. To carry out this analysis, three periodicals from different political spectrums will be examined: "El Deber", "Vanguardia Liberal" and "Tribuna Liberal". Special attention will be paid to the changing use that these newspapers made of anti-communism in different political situations.

Paralelamente às transformações políticas e culturais globais da década de 1920, nessa mesma década iniciou-se um clima de polarização política na Colômbia, que teve um novo ingrediente na renovada disputa entre os partidos tradicionais: o pânico vermelho. O pânico vermelho foi uma estratégia de campanha de desinformação contínua realizada por jornais locais e nacionais com claros interesses políticos. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar esse medo do comunismo no contexto do confronto político dos anos 1930-1940 em Santander. Isso permitirá reconhecer quais grupos e quais jornais se assumiram como grupos de esquerda. Além disso, busca identificar quem foi tachado de comunista e como essa arma discursiva baseada no medo foi utilizada para polarizar ainda mais a política e exacerbar a violência. Para realizar esta análise, serão examinados três jornais de diferentes espectros políticos: "El Deber", "Vanguardia Liberal" e "Tribuna Liberal". Será dada especial atenção à evolução do uso que estes jornais fizeram do anticomunismo em diferentes situações políticas.

México, una democracia en crisis de confianza y satisfacción, años 2000 - 2018 / Mexico, a democracy with confidence and satisfaction crisis: years 2000-2018

Resumen Este artículo ofrece una aproximación a la comprensión de las llamadas crisis "de confianza" y "de satisfacción" del Sistema Democrático Representativo en México; partiendo del establecimiento doctrinal y empírico del Sistema Representativo Democrático en el contexto internacional y en México, se estudia la creciente desafección por las instituciones políticas y el nivel de satisfacción expresada por las personas en momentos dignos de atención para la democracia mexicana: el primer proceso electoral federal con la alternancia partidista presidencial, año 2000; la elección del regreso a la continuidad y la consolidación del pluralismo político, año 2012; y la nueva posalternancia, 2018. Se usan datos estadísticos, teóricos y sociales de las encuestas que en México preguntan sobre el grado de satisfacción con la democracia como sistema representativo, hasta qué punto los ciudadanos le tienen más o menos confianza a instituciones públicas y privadas, y cómo han evolucionado estos sentimientos. Los datos disponibles evidencian que el Sistema Democrático Representativo mexicano sufre una crisis de confianza y de satisfacción y que tiene importantes retos por delante. Proponemos una defensa de la representación institucional con correcciones que pueda hacerla más cercana, sensible y eficiente.

Abstract This article offers an approximation to the understanding of the so-called "confidence" and "satisfaction" crises of the Representative Democratic System in Mexico; Starting from the doctrinal and empirical establishment of the Democratic Representative System in the international context and in Mexico, the growing disaffection for political institutions and the level of satisfaction expressed by people in key moments of the Mexican democracy is studied: the first federal electoral process with the presidential party alternation, year 2000; the choice of the return to continuity and the consolidation of political pluralism, year 2012; and, the new post-alternation 2018. Statistical, theoretical and social data are used from surveys in Mexico that ask about the degree of satisfaction with democracy as a representative system, to what extent citizens have more or less trust in public and private institutions, and how these feelings have evolved. The available data show that the Mexican Representative Democratic System is suffering a crisis of confidence and satisfaction and that it has important challenges ahead. We propose a defense of institutional representation with corrections that can make it closer to the people, more sensitive and efficient.

Liberdade de expressão e de informação: análise dos sites dos principais partidos políticos brasileiros a partir da proposta de Cass Sunstein na obra “Republic. com 2.0” / Freedom of speech and information: analysis of the websites of major Brazilian political parties from the cass sunstein proposal in "republic. com 2.0" work

O objetivo do presente trabalho é investigar se os principais partidos políticos brasileiros aderem à proposta de Cass Sunstein na obra “Republic.com 2.0”. Para tanto, foi utilizado o método de abordagem dedutivo, tendo a pesquisa perpassado pelo estudo da liberdade de expressão e de informação, pela referida obra e, por fim, pelo estudo dos sites dos partidos no Brasil. Já o método de procedimento empregado foi o monográfico, com o objetivo de expor a obra do autor e refletir acerca da sua principal proposta. Além das técnicas de pesquisa bibliográfica e de observação direta, sistemática e não participativa. Concluiu-se que os partidos brasileiros não aderem à proposta de Sunstein, no que diz respeito ao fornecimento de links para outros sites partidários com pontos de vista ou posicionamentos opostos em suas homepages, e que, pelo contrário, adotam a “política do escândalo”, algo antidemocrático.

The objective of this work is to investigate whether the major Brazilian political parties adhere to the Cass Sunstein proposal in "Republic.com 2.0" work. Therefore, it was used the deductive method of approach, and the research permeated the study of freedom of speech and information by such work and, finally, the study of the websites of political parties in Brazil. The method of procedure employed was the monographic, in order to expose the author's work and reflect on its main purpose. In addition to the techniques of literature and direct observation, systematic and non-participatory. It was concluded that Brazilian parties does not adhere to the Sunstein proposal, with respect to providing links to other supporters sites with views or opposite positions on their homepages, and, instead, adopt the "scandal politics", something undemocratic.

Implicações emocionais na participação política de dirigentes do PSDB/ES / Implicaciones emocionales en la participación política de los líderes del PSDB / ES / Emotional implications on the political participation of the PSDB / ES of leaders

Este artigo visa a compreender a dinâmica das emoções que envolvem a participação política de dirigentes do Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira/PSDB no Espírito Santo. Adota-se uma abordagem histórico-cultural, associada à discussão sobre participação política e partidos políticos. Trata-se de um estudo de caso de natureza qualitativa baseado na epistemologia qualitativa de Gonzalez Rey (2005). Os dados foram obtidos entre abril/2011 e março/2013, através de questionário, redação, observação participante, conversações grupais e individuais com quatro dirigentes do PSDB em Vitória/ES. Os resultados revelam que a tristeza e decepção dos sujeitos com o PSDB ajudam a reduzir a intensidade da participação política no partido, produzindo elementos subjetivos em tensão com alguns sentimentos. As considerações finais discutem o contexto político brasileiro e indicam a necessidade de modificar os processos internos de tomada de decisão, bem como a estrutura partidária de um modo geral.

Este artículo tiene como objetivo comprender la dinámica de las emociones que implican la participación política de los dirigentes del Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira/PSDB en Espírito Santo. Adopta el enfoque histórico-cultural, combinado con la discusión de la participación política y los partidos políticos. Es un estudio de caso cualitativo basado en la epistemología cualitativa de González Rey (2005). Los datos fueron recogidos entre abril/2011 y marzo/2013 a través de cuestionario, escritura, observación participante, conversaciones individuales y de grupo con los cuatro líderes del PSDB en Vitória/ES. Los resultados muestran que la tristeza y la decepción de los sujetos con el PSDB ayudan a reducir la intensidad de la participación política en el partido, productor de elementos subjetivos en tensión con algunos sentimientos. Las consideraciones finales discuten el contexto político brasileño y indican la necesidad de cambiar los procesos internos de toma de decisiones, y la estructura del partido en general.

This article aims to understand the dynamics of emotions involving the participation of political leaders of the Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira - PSDB/ES. The study adopts a cultural-historical approach, associated with a discussion of political participation and political parties. Data were collected between april/2011 and march/2013 taking as subjects of investigation four party leaders of PSDB in Vitória/ES. The data was analyzed in accordance with the methodology proposed by González Rey (2005). Results reveal that the feeling of sadness and disappointment from those associated to PSDB reduces the intensity of political participation in the party, producing subjective elements in tension with some feelings. In the concluding section, Brazilian political context is approached. The emergent discussion indicates the need to modify the internal processes of decision making and party structure in general.

Personalidad de marca de partidos políticos: una mirada desde la comunidad estudiantil universitaria / Brand personality of political parties: a glance from young university students

La participación política de los jóvenes ha decrecido en los últimos años, en especial en aquellos países con democracias consolidadas. Considerando esto, la presente investigación se plantea como objetivo estudiar el comportamiento político de los jóvenes a través de la teoría de personalidad de marca. Se pretende analizar el descontento de los jóvenes hacia la política a través de los rasgos de personalidad humana que atribuyen a los partidos políticos. Se evaluó la personalidad de marca de los ocho principales partidos políticos de Chile a través de un modelo compuesto por las siguientes dimensiones: sinceridad, ambición, competencia, estimulante, tradicional, sofisticado, rudeza y elitistas. Los resultados permiten concluir que aun cuando los partidos políticos difieren en sus atributos de personalidad, comparten en común que son considerados como no competentes.

Political participation among young people has decreased in the last few years, especially in those countries with consolidated democracies. Considering this, the present research tackles as its main objective the study of the political behavior of young people by means of the theory of brand personality. We intend to analyze discontent towards politics among young people through the human personality traits attributed to political parties. The brand personality of the 8 main political parties in Chile was evaluated by means of a model made up of the following dimensions: sincere, ambitious, competent, stimulating, traditional, sophisticated, tough and elitist. The results enable us to conclude that even when political parties differ in their personality attributes, they share a common ground: they are all considered not competent.

Política externa chilena e espectro ideológico político-partidário: um estudo sobre a Câmara dos Deputados (2002-2006) / Chilean foreign policy and the partisan political ideological spectrum: a study on the Chamber of Deputies (2002-2006) / La politique extérieure chilienne et l'éventail idéologique dans la politique et les partis: une étude sur la Chambre des Députés (2002-2006)

The influence of political parties on decisions made by members of Congress is a hotly debated issue in political science. In foreign policy, which is usually considered nonpartisan, the matter is even more inconclusive. The current study analyzes all the roll-call votes taken on foreign policy issues in the 2002-2006 legislature of the Chilean Chamber of Deputies. After tracing a spatial map of foreign policy preferences among Chilean Deputies using the Nominate statistical package, we concluded that the ideology of the legislator's political party is a predictive factor for his or her foreign policy behavior. Our findings indicate that the way Chilean legislators structure their preferences on foreign policy issues does not differ significantly from the way they shape their domestic policy preferences.

L'influence des partis politiques dans les décisions des parlementaires est un thème très discuté dans les sciences politiques. Quant à la politique extérieure, couramment considérée comme étant au-dessus des partis, la question reste plus ouverte. Dans cette recherche, on examine toutes les séances de votes nominaux sur des sujets de politique extérieure de la Législature 2002-2006 de la Chambre des Députés chiliens. Après avoir établi une carte des préférences des députés chiliens en matière de politique extérieure et à l'aide du programme statistique Nominate, on conclut que l'idéologie du parti politique du législateur est un facteur prédictif de la conduite du législateur en politique extérieure. Nos résultats montrent que la façon dont les législateurs chiliens établissent leurs préférences dans les thèmes de politique extérieure ne diffère pas significativement de la façon dont ils forment leurs préférences dans la politique interne.

Gerencia de sistemas conductuales y diagnóstico de cambio organizacional en partidos políticos / Behavioral systems management and diagnosis of organizational change in political parties / Gerência de sistemas comportamentais e diagnóstico de mudança organizacional nos partidos políticos

Se describió el funcionamiento de un partido político "ejemplar" a través del Sistema de Desempeño Total, un recurso de diagnóstico organizacional del enfoque conceptual de Gerencia de Sistemas Conductuales. Igualmente,, diez dirigentes de partidos políticos fueron entrevistados con respecto a los cambios necesarios para el desarrollo, transformación y modernización de los partidos políticos en Venezuela. El estudio fue transversal y descriptivo, con características cualitativas y cuantitativas. Resultó notorio el hecho de que ninguno de los dirigentes consideró a los beneficiarios (simpatizantes, militantes y ciudadanía en general) como elemento a ser considerado en el proceso de cambio. Sólo uno resaltó la necesidad de comunicarse y recibir información de retorno de clientes, simpatizantes y público en general. Estos resultados sugieren la necesidad de las organizaciones políticas venezolanas de revisar sus procesos de dirección y lo que concierne a sus políticas y prácticas de comunicación intra y extra-organizacional. Se proporcionan argumentos a favor de la relevancia del diagrama de desempeño total y del enfoque de sistemas conductuales para explicar y comprender el funcionamiento de partidos políticos como organizaciones.

The organizational functioning of an "exemplary" political party was described using "The Total Performance System", an organizational diagnostic tool of the Behavioral Systems Management theoretical approach. In addition, ten leaders of political parties were interviewed with regard to changes needed for the development, transformation and modernization of political parties in Venezuela. The analysis was carried out using the Behavioral System Management Model (BSM). The study was transversal and descriptive, with qualitative and quantitative characteristics. It was significant that none of the leaders interviewed regarded clients of political parties (militants, sympathizers or general citizens) as an element to take into account for the change process. Only one of them mentioned the need to communicate or receive feedback from party members, sympathizers or citizens at large. These results suggest the need for Venezuelan political parties to review and change their strategic planning and especially the communication process at the intra and extra-organizational level. Arguments are provided to support the relevance of both the total performance system diagram and the behavioral systems management approach for explaining and understanding the functioning of political parties as organizations.

Foi descrito o comportamento de um partido político "exemplar" através do sistema de desempenho total, um recurso de diagnóstico organizacional da abordagem de gerência de sistemas comportamentais. Foram entrevistados dez dirigentes de partidos políticos sobre as mudanças necessárias para o desenvolvimento, a transformação e modernização dos partidos políticos em Venezuela. O estudo foi transversal e descritivo, com caraterísticas qualitativas e quantitativas. Foi notório o fato que ninguém dos dirigentes envolveu aos beneficiários (simpatizantes, militantes e cidadania) no processo de mudança. Somente um ressaltou a necessidade de receber informação de retorno de usuários, simpatizantes e público. Estes resultados sinalam a necessidade das organizações políticas venezolanas revisarem os seus processos de direção e as suas políticas e práticas de comunicação intra e extra-organizacional. Subministram-se argumentos em favor da importância do diagrama de desempenho total e da abordagem de sistemas comportamentais para explicar o funcionamento de partidos políticos com organizações.

A Outra face do horário gratuito: partidos políticos e eleições proporcionais na televisão / The flip side of free election advertising: political parties, proportional elections, and television / L'Autre face de l'horaire gratuit: les partis politiques et les élections proporionnelles à la télévision

This article analyzes the impact of Free Television Advertising on proportional elections in Brazil, based on an analysis of the data for the Rio de Janeiro City Council elections in 2004. The article discusses the hypothesis raised by Schmitt, Carneiro, & Kuschnir that free TV advertising time allows political parties to organize their candidates hierarchically, establishing informal "slates". The study thus links two types of evidence, concerning: 1) the efficacy of free TV time as an instrument for political communication, whereby more TV time tends to translate into more votes for a candidate and 2) the analysis of different strategies adopted by the political parties to split the free advertising time between the candidates.

Dans cet article, on examine l'impact de l'Horaire Gratuit de Propagande Électorale (HGPE) sur les élections proportionnelles, à partir de l'analyse des données concernant les élections à Chambre Municipale de Rio de Janeiro en 2004. On y discute l'hypothèse selon laquelle, d'après Schmitt, Carneiro et Kuschnir, le HGPE permet aux partis politiques d'établir une hiérarchie entre ses candidats, en composant des listes "informelles". Pour cela, on considère, de façon articulée, deux types d'évidences concernant: 1) l'efficacité du HGPE comme instrument de communication politique, de façon qu'un temps plus long résulterait tendanciellement par l'obtention de davantage de voix par le candidat; 2) l'analyse des différentes stratégies d'attribution de temps à chaque candidat, adoptées par les partis politiques.

Os partidos dentro e fora do poder: a judicialização como resultado contingente da estratégia política / Political parties in and out of power in Brazil: judicialization as a contingent result of political strategy / Les partis dans et hors le pouvoir: la judicialisation comme résultat éventuel des stratégies politiques

The article analyzes the judicialization patterns in politics during the two terms of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and compare them to the subsequent period of slightly less than a term and a half under President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2008). The purpose of the comparison was to observe whether appeals were issued to the Supreme Court challenging Federal acts on grounds of unconstitutionality. Both differences were observed and some common uses of judicialization when comparing the two Presidential Administrations.

Dans cet article, on examine les modèles de recours en appel à la Cour Suprême de Justice employés par les hommes politiques pendant les deux mandats du président Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) et on les compare à la période suivante concernant le mandat et demi du président Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2008). On cherche à savoir si l'on trouve des différences dans la façon de faire appel à la Cour Suprême de Justice pour la contestation d'actes du pouvoir fédéral par le moyen de l'Action Directe d'Inconstitutionnalité. On a trouvé, à ce sujet, entre les deux gouvernements, des disparités mais aussi certains usages communs.

Mulheres brasileiras em tempo de competição eleitoral: seleção de candidaturas e degraus de acesso aos cargos parlamentares / Brazilian women in electoral contests: candidate selection and degree of access to congressional office / Femmes brésiliennes en temps de dispute électorale: sélection des candidatures et accessibilitè aux postes parlementaires

Candidate selection is a key element in the link between electoral systems and political parties. Selection is necessary for candidates to access elective political office, where Brazilian women are still underrepresented. This article examines Brazilian women's presence in electoral contests, constructing a model to explain the preliminary candidate selection process, one of the parties' main roles. The article then outlines the steps for accessing office, from voter to party member to candidate, focusing on candidacies in the 1998 and 2002 Brazilian elections and the evolution in women's candidacies since 1946.

La sélection des candidatures est l'une les principales fonctions d'articulation entre le système électoral et les partis politiques. Cette fonction est indispensable pour l'accès des candidats aux postes de représentation politique, où les femmes sont encore sous-représentées. Dans cet article, on examine la présence des femmes dans la dispute électorale, à travers la construction d'un modèle de pré-sélection des candidatures - l'une des fonctions de chaque parti - et l'on souligne l'accessibilité des électeurs à la catégorie d'affiliés aux partis et des candidatures pour les élections brésiliennes de 1998 et de 2002, montrant l'évolution des candidatures féminines depuis 1946.

Partidos fracos na arena eleitoral e partidos fortes na arena legislativa: a conexão eleitoral no Brasil / Weak parties in the electoral arena, strong parties in the legislative arena: the electoral connection in Brazil

This article analyzes the determinants of voting positions in the Brazilian House of Representatives (Chamber of Deputies) in relation to the preferences of the Executive Branch, focusing on the reasons leading Deputies to cooperate with or resist the President's interests on votes. The article examines the role played by political parties in the Deputies' behavior both inside and outside Congress, as well as the main instruments used by the Executive to encourage cooperative legislative behavior, applying a multivariate econometric model to estimate the determinants of Deputies' votes. The authors conclude that Deputies, especially those belonging to parties in the government coalition, cooperate with the President, following the orientation provided by their party leaders, as a strategy to access political and financial benefits controlled by the Executive, which in turn can be used in the electoral arena in order to maximize their odds of political survival, and that these same Deputies are the ones with the greatest odds of being reelected.

Dans cet article, on cherche à examiner ce qui détermine le vote à la Chambre des Députés par rapport aux préférences du Pouvoir Exécutif, en montrant surtout les raisons qui mènent les députés à voter dans le sens des intérêts du Président. On y examine - à l'aide de l'application d'un modèle économétrique multivarié qui évalue les déterminants du vote - le rôle joué par les partis politiques sur le comportement des parlementaires à l'intérieur et en dehors du Congrès, ainsi que les principaux outils employés par le Pouvoir Exécutif pour attirer leur coopération. On conclut que les parlementaires, surtout ceux qui se trouvent dans les partis de coalition gouvernementale, coopèrent avec le Président, suivant les directives de leurs chefs politiques, en vue d'obtenir du Pouvoir Exécutif des avantages politiques et financiers qui pourront leur servir dans la lutte électorale, dans l'optique de leur réélection, et que les parlementaires sont ceux qui possèdent les plus fortes chances d'être réélus.