ABSTRACT
Medellín fue considerada la ciudad más violenta del mundo durante los años noventa con una tasa de homicidios superior a 370 por cada 100 000 habitantes. En las últimas tres décadas, los asesinatos en la ciudad disminuyeron en un 90 %. Esta transformación ha sido celebrada internacionalmente como un ejemplo de gobernanza local exitosa de centros urbanos que sufren altos índices criminales. Ahora bien, este artículo sostiene que dicha recuperación catalogada por algunos como "milagro" no fue sólo producto de acciones exitosas del gobierno local, sino también el resultado de dos factores más: primero, la política del Estado colombiano a nivel nacional para fortalecer su aparato de seguridad y desmantelar grupos ilegales armados; y segundo, los acuerdos informales entre las autoridades y las bandas locales, así como la decisión de estas últimas de evitar confrontaciones violentas para facilitar la extracción de sus rentas ilegales.
Medellín was considered the most violent city in the world during the 1990s with a homicide rate of over 370 per 100 000 inhabitants. In the last three decades, murders in the city have decreased by 90 %. This transformation has been celebrated internationally as an example of successful local governance of urban centres suffering from high crime rates. However, this article argues that this recovery - labelled by some as a "miracle" - was not only the product of successful local government actions, but also the result of two other factors: first, the Colombian state's policy at the national level to strengthen its security apparatus and dismantle illegal armed groups; and second, the informal agreements between the authorities and local gangs, as well as the latter's decision to avoid violent confrontations in order to facilitate the extraction of their illegal rents.
Medellín foi considerada a cidade mais violenta do mundo durante a década de 1990, com uma taxa de homicídios superior a 370 por 100 000 habitantes. Nas últimas três décadas, os assassinatos na cidade diminuíram 90 %. Esta transformação tem sido celebrada internacionalmente como um exemplo de governação local bem-sucedida de centros urbanos que sofrem de elevadas taxas de criminalidade. Ora, este artigo sustenta que esta recuperação catalogada por alguns como um "milagre" não foi apenas o produto de ações bem-sucedidas do governo local, mas também o resultado de mais dois fatores: primeiro, a política do Estado colombiano no a nível nacional para reforçar o seu aparelho de segurança e desmantelar grupos armados ilegais; e em segundo lugar, os acordos informais entre as autoridades e os gangues locais, bem como a decisão destes últimos de evitar confrontos violentos para facilitar a extracção das suas rendas ilegais.
Subject(s)
Humans , ColombiaABSTRACT
ObjectiveTo study the personality traits,interpersonal trust and coping style of juveniles in criminal gangs and their relationship. Methods 15 male juveniles who committed crimes without gangs ( group1 ),52 male juveniles who committed crimes by gangs( group2 ) and 40 male lawful freshmen( group3 ) were tested with Eysenck Personality Questionnaire ( EPQ),Trust Scale and Coping Style Questionnaire.The data were statistically analyzed by covariance analysis or Pearson relation analysis.ResultsAfter the covariant effect of education levels was removed,the levels of P and N in EPQ of group1 ( P:57.49 ± 2.62,N:59.35 ± 3.55 ) and group2 ( P:57.83 ± 1.24,N:59.60 ± 1.68 ) were higher than those of group3 ( P:43.88 ± 4.72,N:39.07 ±6.40) with statistical difference (P＜0.05).The level of E of group1 (63.41 ±3.86) was higher than that of group2 (53.01 ± 1.83 ) with statistical difference (P ＜ 0.05 ).The levels of P,D and F in Trust Scale of greup1 (P:24.68 ± 1.51,D:14.36 ±2.19,F:15.49 ±2.21) and group2(P:22.95 ±0.71,D:22.48 ± 1.04,F:23.09 ±1.05 ) were lower than those of group3 ( P:33.14 ± 2.72,D:40.22 ± 3.95,F:38.44 ± 3.99) with statistical difference (P ＜ 0.01 ).The levels of self-accusation and fantasy in Coping Style Questionnaire of group1 ( 0.80 ±0.08,0.83 ± 0.06 respectively) and group2 (group2:0.59 ± 0.04,0.68 ± 0.03,respectively) were higher than those of group3 (0.39 ± 0.14,0.44 ± 0.11,respectively) with statistical difference (P＜ 0.05 or 0.01 ),while the levels of problem-solving of group1 ( 0.76 ± 0.06 ) and group2 ( 0.70 ± 0.03 ) were lower than that of group3 ( 0.95 ± 0.11 ) with statistical difference (P ＜ 0.05 ).For the male juveniles who committed crimes by gangs,the P of personality traits had a statistical linkage with the problem-resolving and self-accusation of coping style ( r =- 0.389,- 0.395,P ＜ 0.05 ),the N of personality traits had a statiseical linkage with the F of interpersonal trust and the self-accusation of coping style ( r=-0.473,0454,P ＜ 0.05 ),and the E of personality traits had a statistical linkage with the help-seeking of coping style ( r=0.400,P＜ 0.05 ).ConclusionThe personality traits,interpersonal trust and coping styles of male juveniles who committed crimes with or without gangs and the lawful men are different.These psychological factors may have certain effect on juvenile gang crimes.