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Abstract Introduction The use of solvent inhalants has been documented in Mexico since the 1970s. Nevertheless, very little is known about the distribution and use dynamics among "street children". Few have ventured to study this issue because of the difficulties involved in working with marginalized, relatively inaccessible populations. Objective To analyze the distribution and consumption dynamics of activo, as it is known among street children in downtown Mexico City, and to document the paraphernalia and argot associated with these practices. Method This is a qualitative, descriptive, and interpretative study guided by the "Meeting Place" approach used by Hughes (1977), which has been adapted to Mexican population by Ortiz (1979). We also used ethnographic observation techniques and a social and immersion mapping of street spaces that allowed us to contact and relate to both informants and users. Results We identified activo distributors and storage areas; user groups were made up of men and women in a 7-3 ratio; physical and psycho-social characteristics of sellers and users, and some street argot and paraphernalia that allowed us to understand the dynamics of distribution and consumption. Discussion and conclusion The activo market is both captive and hidden; it is detrimental to the physical and mental health of street children, and is fostered by social exclusion and the lack of legislation.
Resumen Introducción El consumo de solventes inhalables se ha documentado en México desde la década de 1970; sin embargo, poco se sabe sobre la dinámica de distribución y consumo entre los "niños de la calle". Este tema se ha estudiado poco por las dificultades inherentes al trabajo con poblaciones marginales y de difícil acceso. Objetivo Analizar la dinámica de distribución y consumo del "activo" entre los "niños de la calle" de la zona centro de la Ciudad de México, así como documentar la parafernalia y el argot asociados a estas prácticas. Método Es un estudio de tipo cualitativo, de carácter descriptivo-interpretativo, guiado por el enfoque llamado "Lugares de Reunión" empleado por Hughes (1977) y adaptado a población mexicana por Ortiz (1979). También se emplearon técnicas etnográficas de observación, mapeo social e inmersión en los espacios de calle, que sirvieron para contactar y establecer un vínculo con los informantes y consumidores. Resultados Se identifican distribuidores y zonas de almacenamiento del activo; grupos de consumidores formados por hombres y mujeres en una proporción de 7 a 3; signos físicos y características psicosociales de vendedores y usuarios, así como el argot y parafernalia; lo que permite comprender la dinámica de distribución y consumo. Discusión y conclusión El mercado del activo es cautivo y oculto, deteriora la salud física y mental de los "niños de la calle" y es promovido además por la exclusión social y la falta de legislación.
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El síndrome de Townes-Brocks (TBS) es un trastorno autosómico dominante con múltiples malformaciones y de expresión variable. Presentamos el caso de una mujer de 22 años de edad con malformaciones en el oído externo, ano imperforado, riñones en herradura, desviación cubital del pulgar, sindactilia en los dedos de ambos pies, estrabismo, útero bicorne y retardo mental; quien desarrolló distimia, depresión mayor y adicción a inhalantes.
Townes-Brocks syndrome (TBS) is an autosomal dominant disorder with multiple malformations and variable expression. We present a case of a 22-year-old woman with external ear malformations, imperforate anus, renal fusion, ulnar deviation of the thumbs, syndactyly in toes, strabismus, uterus bicornis and mental retardation who developed dysthymia, major depression and inhalant addiction.
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Humanos , Femenino , Adulto , Anomalías Congénitas/genética , Depresión , Trastornos Relacionados con Sustancias , Trastornos de los CromosomasRESUMEN
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Summary This work is part of a wider research whith the objective to learn the social representation of maternity and paternity of children and youths living in the street. The concept of social representations designates a specific form of knowledge, to know about the common sense, of which its contents display the development of generative and functional processes that are socially characterized. On a broader sense it designates a form of social thought. Therefore, the main idea is that maternity and paternity are social representations, hegemonic to the identity in both genders male and female, an identity which changes with individuals' life conditions such as in the case of street children and youngsters. This being the general idea, we are focused in analyzing the dynamics within a group of youngsters living in the street, from the point of view of the construction of gender as a social representation. Though some demands of life in the streets reflect social organization systems, e.g. violence, hierarchies, distribution of work and solidarity, it is also true that many of these social interaction characteristics can be based on the cultural weight attributed to gender roles, particularly the masculine role. Genders are understood as social representations because gender roles imply a series of rules and prescriptions dictated by cultures in regard to both masculine and feminine behavior. Masculine behavior is featured by what is public, violent and in use of the body. Assuming diversities of social, cultural realms and that of human groups in relation with the construction of genders, this work forwards the significance given to masculinity by a group of street youths. This was undertaken through the researcher's incorporation to the team of street educators in a private social assistance institution. This arrangement allowed to research on a daily basis of shared experiences with the group of interest. In order to study the social representations in masculinity and its practice in life expressed and signified by infant males in the street, this work made observations and shared experiences with street boys of ages ranging between 7 and 14, and two young men between ages 16 and 18 who sleep overnight in streets, mainly in the northern area of Mexico City, and who attend to a private social assistance institution that includes a program called Centro de Día. Fieldwork was made for a period of five months with many daily visits on a schedule of 8:00 to 17:00 hrs. Participatory field observation was carried out to allow investigating in a subtle manner, without questioning under intrusive practices on behalf of the researcher, about the meanings, social representations, values and survival practices and ways of interacting of the studied participants. The participatory observation permitted to listen, observe and ask during leisure activities in the course of outdoors trips, sports games, sanitation, and self-care activities. These activities were recorded in a project field annotation book, giving a detailed description of the daily duties carried out by the group (as well as the researcher's fieldwork impressions). The filed annotations were qualitatively scrutinized through inductive analysis as proposed by Gonzalez & Martinez; information under a reflective reading implies the construction of themes and concepts enabling a given establishment of categories of analysis, in such a way that 6 thematic research axioms were identified. For this work, only those axioms relative to the meaning and social practice of masculinity were covered under this assessment, i.e., a) relations among equals, b) family and sexuality, and, c) inhalable drug use. As a result of the observations, it was found that boys (and girls living with them) have developed survival strategies derived from the informal economy sector, solidarity and coverup norms, nomadic systems. As corollary, this sugests an alternative way of life. However, these alternative ways of life do not have implications in the social representations of masculinity, neither provide attributions to manhood. That is, for those boys living in the street, masculinity and the meaning of manhood still continue to keep a great tradition of the martial law model corresponding to the romanticism period from 17th to 19th A.D., in which, physical strength, the use of violence and gallantry are elements of masculinity. Man is a man, in as far as he courts a woman or makes use of violence. There is a persistent representation of physical strength and capacity as an inherent condition of their male body, which makes them immune in sickness and disease; this belief could lead them to risk practices, specifically: the excessive inhalable drug use, genital sex without use of condoms. The observed group pretentiously assumes heterosexuality as the relation common among men and women. Also, observed within their practices, there is censorship of contact between malemale. Moreover, the prevailing idea and desire among these boys is marrying a woman known to be a virgin, due to given meaning to virginity as a sign of purity and innocence. In addition, the idea is to marry a virgin, preferably who does not live in the streets and does not have a "bad reputation", to make a family with her. Well in the sense of their collective the observed boys give equal treatment to all women within the group; although, there is a subdued task for them at moments of distributing activities. The boys either see women in a masculine vestment or place the girls in their group in the slut position, encompassed in the binomial slut-virgin, and virgins will be those who stay inside their homes being mothers to their children. The prevalence of the masculine ideal is centered on the sourceful man, his capacity to engender, coupling togher with a pure woman in charge of her home. Given the prevalence of the hegemonic model of masculinity in the observed group practices, it may be concluded, that this kind of alternative group does not necessarily represent ideological changes. In addition, the prevalence of the hegemonic representation neither coincides with demands in social order, which in fact is transgressed by the presence of women in the group. In other words, despite the fact that girls and young girls take the same duties to earn money or goods for the group, and despite of their tendencies to fight against other groups and engage in some rites of passage, young men have not been able to modify the stereotyped representation of women as week, submissive and pertaining to home caring and breedind children. In summary, even though boys do not take up economic or social and emotional responsibilities, they do not stop seeing themselves as gallant and sourceful. In further extent, these social representations are circumscribed in the ideas of maternal love and the gentlemanly of men, models of the hegemonic discourse imbedded since the 17th and 18th centuries.
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Se presentan los resultados de un estudio de comparación del Indice de Déficit (i.d.) de la Batería Neuropsicológica de Halstead-Reitan (BNH-R) y el Indice de Deterioro (ID) de la escala de inteligencia de Wechsler (WAIS), aplicados para la evaluación neuropsicológica de dos grupos de adolescentes: uno de usuarios y otro de no usuarios de solventes. Los sujetos provienen de una comunidad marginal y se les siguió durante un año, donde al principio y al final del mismo se evaluó tanto el patrón de consumo como el rendimiento cognitivo. Los resultados muestran que durante el año estudiado, los usuarios abandonaron su consumo en un 58 por ciento; 33 por ciento cambiaron a consumo eventual y 8.3 por ciento mantuvieron su patrón de consumo. En el grupo de no inhaladores el 58 por ciento se mantuvo en el no consumo y el 41 por ciento se inició en el consumo experimental. Se observa que el grupo de usuarios cambió su rendimiento cognitivo de un nivel de "daño moderado" a un nivel de "daño ligero" según el i.d. de la BNH-R, y el grupo de no usuarios se mantuvo en este segundo nivel. El ID del WAIS se invalidó en la primera aplicación, aunque en la segunda ubicó al grupo de usuarios en el nivel de "clínicamente significativo" y al grupo control en el de "sospechoso". Se concluye que el Indice del déficit de la bnh-r se muestra más consistente y congruente con los cambios en el patrón de consumo y se discute el efecto de algunas variables involucradas