The dialectics of new fascism in Greece / A dialética do novo fascismo na Grécia

The success of historical fascism in the particular transitional period at the beginning of the 20th century was grounded in its contribution to the successive acceptance and application of the so-called Fordist model for the organization of labor (accompanied by the correspondent social conditions and relations). Historical fascism contributed thus, with its particular way, to establishing a new class compromise between the potentials related with the productive forces and the confinements emanating from the productive relations. This contribution constitutes the "creativity" of fascism. Such a historical perspective on social processes allows us not to fall into the trap of understanding fascism only as a (barbarian) "deception". Fascism cannot be a plain deception, because a "mere deceit" cannot mobilize people. Fascism takes over, adopts real and unfulfilled needs and hopes - which as such constitute resistance to the capitalist arrogance and logic of commodification of everything - and offers its own (fascist, barbarian) solution or fulfillment. Consequently, our responsibility cannot lie in rejecting these needs and hopes (which are basically needs and hopes for security) because of their distorted or "pervert" articulations. Our responsibility lies in the careful peeling of these hopes/demands from their (fascist) enwrapment. Nationalism (from the subalterns!) does not constitute a mere irrational leftover from the past, but contains potentially mystic and romantic pre- or anti-capitalist elements and references. Nationalism obtains its dynamics and persuasion (for the subalterns!) from and for the contemporary societal processes, thus constituting an active, political and actual demand/position within the restructuring of society - which is in itself a moment in the restructuring of capitalism. Herein also the "rational kernel" of the anti-capitalist antithesis by the New Right is founded as counter position to the "neutral"...

O sucesso do fascismo histórico no período de transição, em particular no início do século 20, foi baseado em sua contribuição para a aceitação e aplicação sucessiva do chamado modelo fordista para a organização do trabalho (acompanhada das condições e relações sociais correspondentes). Fascismo histórico contribuiu assim, em sua forma particular, com a criação de um novo compromisso de classe entre os potenciais relacionados com as forças produtivas e as prisões que emanam das relações produtivas. Esta contribuição constitui a "criatividade" do fascismo. Tal perspectiva histórica sobre os processos sociais, não nos permite cair na armadilha de se compreender o fascismo apenas como um (bárbaro) "engano". O fascismo não pode ser um engano simples, porque um "mero engano" não pode mobilizar as pessoas. Fascismo assume, adota necessidades e esperanças reais e não cumpridas - que, como tal, constituem resistência à arrogância capitalista e lógica da mercantilização de tudo -, e oferece a sua própria solução (fascista, bárbara) ou sua realização. Por conseguinte, a nossa responsabilidade não pode mentir em rejeitar essas necessidades e esperanças (que são, basicamente, precisas e esperar pela segurança) por causa de suas articulações distorcidas ou "pervertido". Nossa responsabilidade exige-nos cuidadosas esperanças e demandas de seu (fascista) envolvimento. Nacionalismo (a partir dos subalternos!) não constitui uma mera sobra irracional do passado, mas contém potencialmente elementos anticapitalistas e referencias pré-místicas e românticas. Nacionalismo obtém sua dinâmica e persuasão (para os subalternos!) de e para os processos sociais contemporâneos, constituindo, assim, uma demanda/posição ativa, política e real no âmbito da reestruturação da sociedade - que é em si mesmo um momento na reestruturação do capitalismo. Aqui também o "núcleo racional" da antítese anticapitalista pela Nova Direita é fundada como posição contrária à mercantilização...

Survey of the North Korean People's Social Consciousness-Study on North Korean Defectors in South Korea / 신경정신의학

OBJECTIVES: North Korean people's thought and opinions on their contry, society, and economy were studied through North Korean defectors. METHODS: At Hanawon, 163 defectors were surveyed with 2 questionnaires in May 2002. RESULTS: North Koreans believe that socialism it was a right choice for North Korea. Because of the gap between the ideal and economic reality, however admitted sense of frustration. They think that the communist value system and the communal consciousness have been shrinking gradually, and their attitude to South Korea was one of ambivalence. Peoples views are different according to age and institutional education they received. CONCLUSION: For the day of unification, we suggest the followings. First, South and North Korea should put in more effort for building a common nationalistic consciousness. Second, reasonable criticism against communism and the advantages of alternative systems which are expected to be accepted by North Koreans through education after unification, need to be prepared. Third, the development of psychological conflicts and the frustration of North Korean people after unification are anticipated and their solutions must be saught after. Fourth, continuos studies for the understanding of North Korean people's psychological characteristics and it's change is needed.