Your browser doesn't support javascript.
Show: 20 | 50 | 100
Results 1 - 6 de 6
Add filters

Document Type
Year range
Gender & Behaviour ; 20(3):20316-20331, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-20232297


Climate change is one of the cores of the herders' movement in Nigeria. Some other variable is the classification of the Fulanis as indigenous peoples that have no specific abode of their own;they roam around looking for water and foliage for their animals. During the dry season, they move towards the southern part of Nigeria where they would find foliage and water for their animals because of their status under international law. A notion that in a bid to look for food for their animals, these herders sometimes feed their animals with grown corn, cassava, millet, sweet potato and even yam of the sedentary farmers. One of the geneses of food insecurity in many communities of the southern part of Nigeria. Food availability, affordability and accessibility in the country was compromised in 2020 due to these challenges by the urban dwellers which was compromised due to the activities of mobile herders. With general lockdown in Nigeria, many farmers were unable to go to farm while the Fulanis who were hardly affected by lockdown had their field-days in feeding their animals on crops planted by small scale farmers, the only source of food security in the country. The core of this paper is to interrogate Fulanis mobility as indigenous peoples based on relevant international law and its impact on small-scale farmers' sources of income and food availability for the teeming population of Nigeria. We contextualised this based on the COVID-19 pandemic that restricts the movement of people between March and December 2020. We conclude that the rights of the indigenous peoples at the domestic level need further interrogation to create an atmosphere of peaceful co-existence through aversion of herders-farmers clashes that envelope southern Nigeria.

Gender & Behaviour ; 19(1):17294-17305, 2021.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1787025


The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), fifth objective, calls for gender equality;achieving this will ensure other goals such as Goals 1 (poverty eradication/alleviation), 2 (zero hunger, 3 (healthy lives and promotion of wellbeing for all ages, and 4 (quality education for all) among others. Though not constitutionally established, the office of first ladies is here to stay in Africa, but with some challenges such as lack of direction on the office responsibilities. As a woman, the first lady's role should radiate around quality food affordability, availability and accessibility together with other challenges that impact directly on women. To achieve this, Goals 1, 3 and 4 need to be considered for meaningful sustainable development. Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic that is hunting the global system with a special focus on Africa needs urgent attention when considering women plights in a patriarchal environment. First Ladies have invaluable roles to play so that food security, an area that women are good at could be achieved. Through Goal 5 of the SDGs, and with the adoption of African feminism both food security and COVID-19 will be addressed holistically. Unfortunately, many first ladies are on the neck of their spouses to be a de facto head of government in the form of a cabinet appointment, contract execution, promotion of an unaccounted annual budget. Through the adoption of African feminism and secondary data perspective, this paper examines some likely roles of the first ladies in the age of COVID-19 and food insecurity.

Gender & Behaviour ; 19(1):17453-17466, 2021.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1787024


Coronavirus is here to contend with as a new normal at the global level. The solution to the pandemic is what scientists, politicians, pundits and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are battling with little outcome. Many kinds of literature abound since the outbreak of the epidemic that those who are the main target of this are the ones with comorbidity ailments. The impacts of this contagious disease call for academic interrogation since what brings about this, majorly, is the lack of organic food in the age of genetically modified (GM) food imposed on us. The dictum, healthy profit and unhealthy people are here to stay as long as biotechnologists are after the profit of multinational corporations (MNCs) and to some extent, farmers '. It has been proved that organic food is an agent of anti-hidden hunger and by implication, a source of medicine as against taken medicine as food. This paper intends to adopt an agroecological thesis in the promotion of food security through food sovereignty that is home-made without reliance on importedfood that are sources of compromising immunity, which is a target of COVID19 as documented by some students of development studies, and food and nutrition security (FNS). Relying on secondary data and content analysis approach, a conclusion will be drawn that the COVID-19 vaccine is not only a ruse, but another means to subject developing areas to abject poverty through the importation of one-size-fits-all drugs for the pandemic. A need to promote healthy people as againstfocussing on healthy profit that benefits only MNCs executives and their shareholders against stakeholders in the food and pharmaceutical industries.

Soc Sci Humanit Open ; 4(1): 100193, 2021.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-1506545


This article interrogates the necropolitical landscape of COVID-19 in Nigeria. The article explores how the landscape emerges at the intersection of COVID-19 regime and structural violence and materializes in foodscapes and waterscapes of the country. It, also, analyzes ethical quandaries arising as the brutal violence of the regime is amplified by structural violence in places and spaces of residence, recreation, leisure and labor of ordinary people. Using qualitative data derived from primary and secondary sources, the article demonstrates that the necropolitical landscape reconfigures social relationships, meanings and identities embedded in places and spaces where people interact with each other and with food and water to produce youth's violent resistance as well as varnishing foodscapes and waterscapes. These changes ultimately impose the status of a living-dead on ordinary people in Nigeria. The article concludes that without the provision of adequate palliative, devoid of food fraud, geography of corruption, gender and ethnic-biases to every citizen, the government loses its moral ground to implement its COVID-19 regime. To meet the gap between what Nigeria can afford and what is required to implement the regime, both the government and its financial elites must embrace economic justice. Finally, the government should opt for a modified regime that factors the extant material conditions of the have-nots into the arrangement.

Africa's Public Service Delivery and Performance Review ; 9(1), 2021.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1278572


Background: This article argues that the lockdown policy of the Nigerian government, even though had proven to be effective in the control of the spread of the virus, adversely triggers household crises. These crises range from hunger, gender violence, shortage of food, low purchasing power and negative coping strategies. While intellectual resources have been remarkably outspoken about the effect of lockdown on Nigeria’s economy, the implications of the lockdown for household food security crisis have drawn little or no academic attention. Aim: Given this, the article examines the influence of the lockdown on households’ hunger and coping mechanisms. It further examines the nexus between coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) lockdown and households’ low purchasing power. Setting: This is with the view to advance adequate strategy for minimising the effects of lockdown on food (in)security in Nigeria. Method: The article utilized a qualitative, descriptive research method. The article, is theoretical in nature, and drew its arguments from secondary sources, such as journals, books, newspapers, Internet sources, and official documents. Results: The finding indicates that the lockdown stimulates not only households’ hunger and negative coping habits but also low purchasing power. Conclusion: The article concludes that equitable and transparent distribution of palliatives is a good strategy capable of addressing households’ food (in)security crisis during Covid-19 lockdown in Nigeria.

Gender & Behaviour ; 18(4):16521-16536, 2020.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1027466


The dominant view in the literature of food is that some of the causes of food scarcity and hunger in developing areas are the issues of climate change, intra and inter-state wars, poor agricultural policies limited hybrid seeds, improved livestock among others. The literature is, however, silent on the impact of pre and post-election crises on availability, accessibility and affordability of food in many parts of West Africa. Electioneering campaign in many states of Africa ends up with factionalism, ethnic cleanse and sometimes religious crisis that often prevent many farmers from having access to their farms. In Nigeria, The Gambia, Ivory Coast and Mali, to mention a few, people were subjected to forced migration because of the power of incumbency that government in power imposed on people when power was about to slip out of their hands. The intention of this paper is to construct causal links between election crises, Covid-19 and food insecurity. To unravel this problem, secondary data and critical theory will be the paper's point of departure. In conclusion, the paper advocates for politics without bitterness and infusion of political education in the socialisation of African citizens.