Living in a Democracy as a Fallen People: A REVIEW ESSAY

Rather, it would be more correct to say that Donald Trump found a ready audience for nationalism and postliberal thinking in the United States and rode a seemingly unlikely wave into the White House by semi-miraculously navigating the twists and turns of the Electoral College. COVID-19, of course, has proved to be a breeding ground of predominantly right-wing conspiracy theories, including regarding vaccines even though they were the result of a Trump-led program. [...]he made an argument that Vice President Mike Pence would be able to refuse to certify the election results. Tocqueville approached democracy as a young aristocrat from a family that had suffered in the French Revolution.

NOTE FROM THE EDITOR: Presidential Tweets, the U.S.–U.K. Free Trade Agreement, Humanitarian Intervention, and China's Bilateral Relations

" Words Matter: Presidents Obama and Trump, Twitter, and U.S. Soft Power. Graph [9] concentrate on the issues that soured the initial optimism for a U.S.-U.K. free trade agreement between President Trump and Prime Minister Johnson which did not come to its planned fruition by 2020. EN Social Media Foreign Policy Twitter Soft Power Obama Trump Boris Johnson Humanitarian Intervention President Clinton Bosnia Kosovo China Sri-Lanka Kazakhstan South Korea ASEAN Sub-Saharan Africa Information Technology. NOTE FROM THE EDITOR: Presidential Tweets, the U.S.-U.K. Free Trade Agreement, Humanitarian Intervention, and China's Bilateral Relations. [Extracted from the article] Copyright of World Affairs is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

Efectos económicos de la complementariedad comercial en la negociación de un tratado de libre comercio entre México y Corea del Sur *

México y Corea del Sur han avanzado en sus vínculos comerciales desde que iniciaron relaciones diplomáticas en 1962. Actualmente, los gobiernos de ambas economías se encuentran discutiendo la posibilidad de negociar un acuerdo de libre comercio. El objetivo de esta investigación es evaluar los efectos potenciales de dicho acuerdo. Para ello, se utilizan índices de intensidad comercial, ventajas comparativas reveladas, complementariedad y similitud comercial. Los resultados obtenidos muestran que los dos países han visto intensificar sus relaciones comerciales, lo que ha convertido a México en el principal socio comercial de Corea del Sur en América Latina, y ha dado lugar a una estructura comercial de complementariedad con ventajas para México en el comercio de combustibles minerales, lubricantes, maquinaria y equipo de transporte. También se obtuvo evidencia de la existencia de una asimetría en sus tarifas arancelarias que podría generar ventajas comerciales, sobre todo para México en el sector primario, en caso de lograr avanzar a la firma de un tratado de libre comercio.Alternate :Mexico and South Korea have progressed in their commercial affairs since they began diplomatic relations in 1962. Currently, the possibility of negotiating a free trade agreement between both economies is being raised. The objective of this research is to evaluate the potential effects of such a trade agreement for both countries. For this, indexes of commercial intensity, revealed comparative advantages, complementarity, and commercial similarity are used. The results show that these two countries have intensified their trade relations, turning Mexico into South Korea's main trading partner in Latin America and giving rise to a complementary trade structure with advantages for Mexico in the trade of mineral fuels, lubricants, machinery, and transport equipment. Also, an asymmetry was found in the tariff rates that could generate commercial advantages, especially for Mexico in the primary sector in case of the signing of a free trade agreement.

Special Economic Zones in an Era of Multilateralism Decadence and Struggles for Post-Pandemic Economic Recovery: Perspectives from the Global South

Recent years have seen a proliferation of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in developed and developing countries. Developed in Europe in its modern shape, most SEZs are located outside the continent today, notably in the developing world, where SEZs form part of these countries' export-oriented growth policy tools and overall economic development. At a period of growing unilateralism and the return of the State as an economic actor, this contribution seeks to tackle the rise of SEZ laws in the global south, with a particular focus on Africa. It will scrutinize the reasons for their establishment, the measures chosen to promote them, and the international ramifications in these respective regions and broadly on the global plane, notably at the WTO. With the entry into force of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Agreement, African countries face challenges of multi-layered SEZ governance, which this contribution intends to address. These challenges also extend to the cross-regional trade agreements these countries conclude, individually and as a bloc. Since SEZs are often assimilated with a category of subsidies and are discriminatory trade measures, this contribution, in essence, investigates the extent to which current trade rules at multilateral and regional levels address these controversial aspects of SEZs.

International practice analysis of the negative list: Chinese Example of shipping market access

The international shipping industry is unique and important. The negative list related to the opening up of the shipping industry is an important part of the reform and innovation of China's pilot free trade zones. In recent years, as countries around the world continue to promote the process of opening up in the fields of trade and services, the negative list system has been used more in international investment and trade agreements. In the field of International Shipping, how to correctly grasp and apply the negative list system is an important topic. Starting with the general concept of the negative list system of shipping market access, this paper reviews and summarizes the developmental processes of the negative list of foreign capital market access in the shipping field since the establishment of Shanghai Pilot Free Trade Zone. It compares and analyzes the international contracting practice of the European Union and the United States as reflected in the negative list of shipping market access. It equally points out that the system connection between the negative list still existing in China's shipping field and the international high standard negative list is not enough. It argues that the transparency of the negative list still needs to be further strengthened as the rules behind the list and the awareness of its risk prevention are weak. In view of these hitches, this paper makes some suggestions that are tilted towards improving the negative list system of China's shipping market access. It also continues the optimization of the negative list of shipping market access, and the improvement of a conscious awareness aimed at avoiding the possible risks of the negative list. Finally, it makes a strong argument for a continuous improvement of China's international shipping competitiveness.

Negotiating RCEP: The Role of ASEAN in Middle-Power Diplomacy

The members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) engaged with each other and their five major neighbors in the Asia-Pacific region, namely China, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand, to develop the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), a comprehensive free trade agreement streamlining all previous agreements among the participating countries. This article applied the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT) method in assessing the RCEP and the key role played by the ASEAN in the negotiation process through middle-power diplomacy. The RCEP's strengths in economic integration and weaknesses in certain policy areas encapsulate ASEAN centrality and its strategy of hedging on China, the sole great power in the agreement. The opportunities and threats to the RCEP posed by the increasing geopolitical tensions between China and the US amid the COVID-19 pandemic, meanwhile, demonstrate the complex regional and global geopolitical situation that ASEAN should navigate to ensure the success of the RCEP and maintain centrality in the process. © 2023, Yijun Institute of International Law. All rights reserved.

Prepare to Implement E-Learning Strategies and Shift into Resilience E-Learning Technologies

Digital education has progressed through several stages and transitions over the past thirty or forty years. It is an umbrella term that represents the continued integration of digital education. It provides complementary use of technology in the classroom, using one or more of online instruction tools. Libya for instance is currently between those developing countries that used to be a unified, interconnected world of free trade. However, the past and recent studies highlight several boundaries and shortcomings that significantly delay the inclusive performance and procedure of the education system in Libya such as complicated exchange of information due to poor infrastructure, previous conflict, and recently impact of Covid -19 pandemic. Covid-19 pandemic has made many countries adapt to new situations in different sectors including education. This study supports the need to prepare and implement e-learning strategies, and shift into resilience e-learning technologies in Libyan educational system. This is done by conducting a comprehensive and critical review in some of the past and recent related studies to understand better its status. Besides to determine which factors or barriers that the most significant challenges and limit stakeholder to implement e-learning technologies, to identify related solutions to prepare and implement learning strategies, and then to shifting into resilience e-learning technologies with its role in modern and sustainable Libyan society. These solutions can be implemented not only during the current pandemic and after, but it can be shifted into resilience e-learning technologies that are adopted into other crises such as those caused by weather and digital infrastructure. © 2023, The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG.

Pandemia y nacionalismo: del cólera morbo asiático al virus chino. Historia de los contextos de la pandemia de covid-19

La vocación de este artículo es, desde el materialismo histórico, proponer respuestas a la crisis sanitaria de la covid-19. Para ello, planteamos cinco objetivos: plantear la estructura epidémica de la contemporaneidad;reflexionar en torno a las analogías entre cólera morbo, gripe y la covid-19;describir el proceso de fundación de la OMS, el papel de China y las transformaciones del nuevo orden mundial;analizar las consecuencias de la Revolución Ganadera;interpretar el virus chino, desde el contexto de renacimiento de los nacionalismos de estado y relacionarlo con la pandemia de covid-19. Hemos situado el punto de partida en el análisis la estructura epidémica que determina la contemporaneidad desde el cólera morbo (1817-34), la gripe española (1918-20) y la covid-19 (2020-22), es decir, se trata una exploración diacrónica de las diferentes construcciones sociales en torno a las pandemias, desde 1817 hasta 2020. Como tesis central del trabajo, trazamos una aproximación a las consecuencias de la Revolución Ganadera y el cambio climático por causas antropogénicas, y su relación con la salud humana, para desembocar en una posible conexión con la pandemia de covid-19. Pero esta tesis necesita de un análisis histórico en el que se establecen diferentes contextos que se desarrollan desde 1970: el papel de China y sus políticas de apertura a la economía de mercado, que suponen más de mil millones de nuevos consumidores, a partir de los años noventa. Esta nueva situación supondrá la explosión de la demanda de alimentos, así como la consecuente ruptura de muchos ecosistemas, de modo que, a partir de los años noventa, los argumentos ecológicos se convierten en una de las nuevas contradicciones entre el Norte y el Sur. Por otra parte, tratamos de ubicar la pandemia en su contexto más inmediato: el Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (1993) que firman Canadá, Estados Unidos y México;la desaparición de modelo de pequeñas o medianas granjas en beneficio de explotaciones verticales de millones de cerdos y aves de corral;la evolución de la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS), desde 1948, orientada a la cooperación y desarrollo, como factor de equilibrio Norte-Sur hasta su papel durante la pandemia, y, por último, la consolidación de las políticas económicas neoliberales (Hayek-Friedman), que fundamentan la globalización y reconstrucción del nuevo orden mundial. Además, este artículo se ocupa de los efectos que ha producido el estallido y propagación inesperada de la pandemia desde marzo de 2020 en las formas de comunicación política (oficial) de contenidos etnocéntricos y nacionalistas. Ante un problema global de dramáticas consecuencias, la respuesta de los gobiernos se concreta en tácticas populistas cuyo objetivo ha sido la exoneración de sus responsabilidades políticas, económicas, sociales y sanitarias. Tendrá que ser la OMS la que considere imprescindible establecer criterios científicos para referirse a las mutaciones del virus con el fin de acabar con la estigmatización política. La OMS tomará la iniciativa en la denominación de las variantes de interés (VOI) y variantes preocupantes (VOC) neutrales y fáciles de manejar desde el punto de vista de la información.Alternate :From a historical, sociological, and political science perspective, and inspired by the paradigm of historical materialism, this article proposes an approach to the different contexts that circumscribe the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic through two types of sources: on the one hand, the bibliography, of a historiographical, sociological and epidemiological nature, in which the collection of articles published in 2020 by Rob Wallace, under the title Big farms, big flus, stands outAgro-industries and infectious diseases, and on the other hand, the primary sources, that is, the work of analysis of the press, especially El País or El Mundo, the Resolutions and communications of the WHO, as well as other diverse documents, located on the internet. This macro-sche atic approach defines our starting point: a reflection on questions such as: What has happened to us? What is happening to us? How can international relations be interpreted? What value does the nationalist shift occupy at the moment? And even, why have we suffered a pandemic with dramatic consequences? With this in mind, the article proposes five objectives: to analyze the epidemic structure of contemporary times, to observe the analogies between cholera morbo, influenza and Covid-19, to describe the founding process of the WHO, the role of China and the transformations of the new world order and finally, to interpret the Chinese virus, from the context of the rebirth of nationalisms and to relate this interpretation to the Covid-19 pandemic. To develop these objectives, we propose a diachronic analysis of the different social constructions around pandemics from 1832 to 2020, likewise, we also intend to establish analogies between the different pandemics and the international relations that developed over three moments: he Asian morbid cholera (1817-34), the Spanish flu (1918-20) and Covid-19 (2020-22). In short, we will define the epidemic structure of contemporaneity. Next, as the central thesis of the work, we propose an approach to the consequences of the Livestock Revolution and climate change due to anthropogenic causes, and its relationship with human health to lead to a possible connection with the Covid-19 pandemic. This thesis needs a historical analysis in which different conditions that develop since 1970, during the third Industrial Revolution, are established. After the demographic explosion of the 1970s, during which time industrial livestock farming has been dominant in the United States, the production model soon spread to Latin America, Asia and Europe in such a way that a gradual relocation is set in motion that will accelerate during the l990s.That is, when Eastern Europe (just like Asia or Latin America) joins the international market and offers attractive deregulation scenarios for international food industries. For this we mainly use the hypotheses of Rob Wallace and K. Shortridge: it is essential to take into account relocation tactics, industrial strategies related to the mass production of poultry meat, and the appearance of new epidemic outbreaks that affect the population since at least 1997 -as well as the origin of typical pneumonia, known as SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) and its relationship with the coronavirus. In addition, the study of this specific context (1970-2020) allows us to understand five vital aspects to interpret the emergence of Covid-19: the decisive role of China and its policies of opening up to the market economy between 1980 and 1985, which accounted for more than one billion new consumers. In the face of this explosion in the demand for food and raw materials, millions of hectares are cleared to establish crop fields, and a large part of the planets ecosystems are destroyed. That is why ecological arguments become one of the new contradictions in the North-South dialectic;the process of collapse of the Soviet Union supposes the rebirth of nationalisms in Europe. From 1990 to 2007, nationalisms are consolidated, grow and evolve towards populist content, useful for the different governments during the financial crisis;the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1993 between Canada, the United States and Mexico will imply the practical disappearance of the traditional model of small or medium farms in the United States and Mexico, to the benefit of vertical operations of millions of pigs and poultry. In 1998, the first outbreak of swine flu was declared in North Carolina and, later, in Veracruz;the consolidation of neoliberal economic policies (Hayek-Friedman), which support globalization and reconstruction of the new world order;and lastly, the evolution of the functions of the WHO (World Health Organization) since its foundation in 1948. This was oriented towards the cooperation and development of great health campaigns in the third world an as a factor of North-South balance until the shift presented by the secretary General Halfdan T Mahler, who would define the goal of health for all by the year 2000. From this chronological and plot line, we lead to the financial crisis of 2007 to find the specific context in which the pandemic is declared in March 2020. On the other hand, this article deals with the effects that the outbreak and unexpected spread of a new virus has produced in the forms of (official) political communication of ethnocentric and nationalist content.These speeches raised xenophobic markings based on the rapid growth in morbidity and mortality statistics due to the new virus. So the concept of the Chinese virus, a social construction launched by Donald Trump, has configured a biased vision, successful until now, for the benefit of the West. Faced with a global problem with dramatic consequences, the response of governments will take the form of populist tactics whose objective will be the exoneration of their political, economic, social and health responsibilities. Given this situation, it will have to be the WHO that considers it essential to establish scientific criteria to refer to the mutations of the virus in order to end political stigmatization. The WHO will take the lead in naming information-neutral and information-friendly variants of interest (VOI) and variants of concern (VOC), renamed with letters of the Greek alphabet. In short, it is convenient to take into account the populist response of the different governments (United States, Brazil, France or Germany) centered on collective emotions typical of a language of war.

The Covid 19 Exogenous Shock and the Crafting of New Multilateral Trade Rules on Subsidies and State Enterprises in the Post-Pandemic World

This Article discusses existing WTO rules on subsidies and state enterprises, relevant caselaw and reform prospects in light of key geopolitical developments and changes in the global economy emerging in the aftermath of the Covid-19 pandemic. Following a general introduction, the Article critically analyzes present WTO rules on industrial subsidies, focusing inter alia on the new problems raised by activist industrial policies pursued by global trading powers, foreign subsidization, the climate change shock and environmental exigencies. It then shifts attention to the application of WTO rules on subsidies to the state sector and the increasing demands for new international trade rules on non-subsidies measures to address the negative spillover effects on trade from government influence on state-owned enterprises (SOEs). With respect to each of these matters, the Article first clarifies the terms of the problem in relation to existing WTO rules and caselaw, and next examines the question of how, and to what extent, "deeper” free trade agreements (FTAs)—those that experts designate as models for WTO reforms on the matter—establish new rules that permit to adequately address the trade concerns raised by SOEs' commercial and financial activities. Based on this multi-layered analysis, the article concludes by examining prospects of reform of WTO rules on state interventionism.

BREXIT AND OUTLOOK FOR A U.S.-UK FREE TRADE AGREEMENT *

Brexit introduced new exporting and importing licensing requirements, border checks, and regulatory compliance requirements, raising costs and the potential for bottlenecks at borders. For financial services, which account for 7% of UK GDP and one million jobs, the deal does not address UK financial services firms' access to the EU, which previously was through a "passporting" right that allowed banks to use their UK bases to access EU markets without establishing legally separate subsidiaries;the parties aim to establish a framework for cooperation by March 2021. U.S. and other exporters will need to manage separate customs regimes and relationships for the UK and EU. Since the transition period, the UK has engaged in negotiations to replicate existing EU trade deals with non-EU countries (e.g., Switzerland, Iceland, Norway, South Korea, and Turkey), and pursued new deals with countries with which the EU has not concluded trade deals (e.g., Australia, India, and the United States). [...]UK farmers and some in civil society voice concerns about the implications of U.S. demands for greater access to the UK market, and potential changes to UK food safety regulations.

Assessing the effects of trade regionalism in East Asia – evidence from augmented gravity models

This paper investigates the effects of trade regionalism in East Asia from 1995 to 2018, by applying a series of gravity models. An initial, basic gravity model is repeatedly augmented to account for a range of economic, geographical, cultural, and above all institutional factors representing free trade agreements in effect. Unlike previous studies, this investigation distinguishes between the bilateral and multilateral measures of regional trading arrangements. Two interesting findings are reported. First, the results confirm the impact of trade regionalism on the export flows between the economies of East Asia in the period under study. Second, the effects of multilateral trading agreements vary greatly depending on the agreement and on the particular country's range of influence, in particular cases showing no sufficient economic benefits. Overall, the results point to the complementarity of bilateral and multilateral trading arrangements in the region and to the emergence of a certain distinctive model of cooperation and integration in East Asia – which has been underpinned during the COVID-19 pandemic by the conclusion of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), and which will be further verified in the post-COVID character of global trade and regional trading arrangements.

The African Union's Self-Financing-Mechanism: A Critical Analysis in terms of the World Trade Organisation's Rules and Regulations

The purpose of this paper is to critically analyse from a theoretical perspective the compatibility of the African Union's (AU's) self-financing mechanism (SFM) with the rules and regulations of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle, which forms an integral part of the anti-discrimination provisions. The AU consists of 55 African countries, most of them members of the WTO. The SFM agreed is in the form of a 0.2 per cent levy applied to all eligible goods imported from a non-AU member state into the territory of an AU member state. As most of the AU member states (AUMSs) are WTO members, they must adhere to all the rules and regulations of the WTO. It is against this backdrop that this paper analyses the AU SFM against the relevant WTO rules and regulations. Most importantly this paper will provide recommendations for the compatibility of the AUs SFM in terms of the existing WTO rules and principles, such as the operation of the Differential and More Favourable Treatment, Reciprocity and Fuller Participation of Developing Countries, more commonly referred to as the Enabling Clause, given the WTOs general classification of all African countries as developing or least developed countries. The need for the AU to be self-sustainable financially in order for it to achieve its goals and objectives has most recently been reinforced.by the economic repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic both locally and internationally. © 2022, North-West Unversity. All rights reserved.

Drafting e-commerce regulations for a sustainable economic recovery: Lesson from DEPA analysis

The current international pandemic situation caused by the COVID-19 outbreak has disrupted economic activity and development worldwide. However, digital enabled activities have proven a relative stronger resilience, and, worldwide, most economic sectors have shifted to digital platforms to continue operating. In this context, the drafting of digital economy regulations has become a relevant policy issue for governments across the Asia Pacific region. Nevertheless, the absence of multilateral regulations in this area has become an obstacle for achieving common regulatory frameworks to deal with digital economy issues, for which regional and bilateral agreements have begun to draft regulations. The proliferation of digital economy provisions in preferential agreements may lead to the so called "spaghetti bowl”. From here, the objective of this paper is to contribute to the governance of digital economy among APEC economies, through the characterization of free trade agreements signed between APEC and Latin American economies. This selection was made due to the diversity of agreements that can be found within this subregion. In this context, the Digital Economy Partnership Agreement (DEPA), led by Chile, New Zealand, and Singapore has become a reference point that could serve as a steppingstone towards common regulatory frameworks in this matter. The paper concludes that DEPA may be used as a benchmark for the development of regulations that will help boost cross border e-commerce in APEC economies for a post pandemic sustainable recovery. © 2022, University of Passo Fundo. All rights reserved.

A Scholarly Review of Global Business Indications and Economic Trends: Understanding International Competitiveness, Economic Globalization, and Digitization Through the Lens of the COVID-19 Pandemic and the New Normal

The nature and evolution of global businesses and international economics have experienced far volatility than social construction of free trade since early 1800's. Generally, trade theories investigated between mainstream international economics and global businesses support multiple aspects of politics, geography, culture, ethnic studies, anthropological perspectives, and sociological ideas. Within these dimensions remain interspersed boundless ethical values and ethical concepts of doing global business successfully. The current framework of economic globalization is examined by challenging assumptions spread across themes of internationalism, entrepreneurialism, colonialism, imperialism, and harmonization of trade organizations and agreements. Multiple aspects of globalization are analyzed through institutionalization and several ideological developments. We examine ethical standards and codes of international free trade and global economics of institutions and organizations. Global dimensions of digitization of business practices and international competitiveness of corporations are explored through themes of artificial intelligence, sustainability, automation, robotification, and organizational structures and designs. We conclude with discussions of impacts of COVID-19 pandemic on technological transformations, digital trends, and virtualization of contemporaneous international market management and sustainable development of communities.

China’s Development Plan for the Utilization of Foreign Capital during the 14th Five-Year Period: Prospects and Analysis

On October 22, 2021, the Ministry of Commerce of the People’s Republic of China (PRCpromulgated the Development Plan for the Utilization of Foreign Capital during the 14th Five-Year Period. The plan has attracted wide attention from investors and scholars at home and abroad. The global economic recovery is full of unpredictable challenges due to the spread of Covid-19, so absorbing foreign investment is critical to the economic developmenin most countries. The plan was based on the 14th Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development and the Outline of Long-term Objectives for 2035. China is changing the direction of attracting investment from manufacturing industry to service industry. This article discusses China’s current utilization of foreign capital and analyzes the newly promulgated plan, including its key features, overall objectives, and basic tasks. It also examines the opportunities and challenges China faces in its future utilization of foreign capital. © 2022, Yijun Institute of International Law. All rights reserved.

NEW TRADE AND ECONOMIC REGIONALISM: A SPACE OF OPPORTUNITIES IN GREATER EURASIA

The article is devoted to the issues of trade and economic integration in the Greater Eurasia region. The trends of regionalization in the Asia-Pacific region based on multilateral trade deals are studied. The analysis of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement, the prerequisites for its conclusion, and the effects of implementation has been carried out. These issues were considered in conjunction with the implementation of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, including considering the current prerequisites for its expansion. The authors investigate the issues of conjugation of the EAEU and integration processes in the Asia-Pacific region within the framework of the idea of the Greater Eurasian Partnership. Specific proposals for the organization of work, based on the mechanisms for implementing the EAEU’s international legal personality, have been formulated. An overview of the possible results of the conclusion of the Agreement in Greater Eurasia in the economic and geopolitical context is presented.

"EU INVEST PROGRAM" - FINANCING UNION MECHANISM OF MEMBER STATES FOR POST-PANDEMIC ECONOMIC RECOVERY

This research material aims to approach from an analytical perspective the implications that the implementation of the InvestEU Program generates at the level ofthe European Union. The Union framework rule governing this program and its implications at Member State level is Regulation (EU) 2021/523 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 24 March 2021 establishing the "InvestEU Program" and amending Regulation (EU) 2015/1017. Specifically, the InvestEU Program contributes to the achievement of some of the objectives proposed by the Union coordinator in terms of energy effectiveness1, in the field of investments in the infrastructure of the European Union, especially in the creation of a unique transport space, in the field of sustainable infrastructure policy, regarding funding for innovation, research and digitization. All these goals are considered essential for achieving the Union's sustainable development goals committed by the European Commission under the leadership of President Ursula von der Leyer in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The research methods used in the research are: a) the logical-concretized method by using the union framework norms as well as the internal transposition norms as a source of information and analysis;b) comparative method - in order to carry out a comparative analysis of the main financing mechanisms at Member State level.

Health body, not trade lawyers, ‘should decide patents access’

Speed read Least-developed countries push for patent waivers for COVID-19 drugs, diagnostics Health body should replace WTO oversight of medical patents, says justice advocate But vaccine manufacturing requires substantial infrastructure, skills development Trade negotiations are dictating access to COVID-19 vaccines, treatments and diagnostics. In April, the World Health Organization issued a call for expressions of interest in its mRNA technology hub, which aims to expand production capacity in low-and middle-income countries. Quality control The political will needed to ramp up vaccine production in Africa is deepening, according to analysis from consulting firm McKinsey, citing this year’s launch of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the nascent African Medicines Agency. According to McKinsey, the market for African vaccines could grow from US$1.3 billion today, to between $2.3 billion and $5.4 billion by 2030.

US-China Geoeconomic Tensions: Implications for the African Continental Free Trade Area

Passage of the African Continental Free Trade Area (CFTA) occurs at a time of rising tensions between the United States and China. Africa's growth and development prospects depend on a functioning and stable multilateral trading system, but recourse to economic nationalism and protectionism is increasingly undermining the open global economy and, indeed, the liberal international order on which free and fair trade depends. This article examines the implications of US-China tensions for the CFTA while assessing the opportunity for closer engagement between African countries and an axis of emerging powers led by China in an enhanced Global South strategy.