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The COVID-19 pandemic inflicted unprecedented precarity upon workers, including concerns about job insecurity. We examine whether workers respond to job insecurity with voice, and assess the role of unions, managers, and employment arrangements in this relationship. Analyses of an original 2020 survey representative of Illinois and Michigan workers show that job insecurity is not significantly associated with voice. Further, while we find that union membership and confidence in organized labor are positively associated with voice, insecure workers are less likely to speak up than secure workers as confidence in organized labor increases. Last, we find that insecure nonstandard workers are less likely to use voice than their secure counterparts.
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Members' needs drive the RCM's actions at every level, from local branches to the governing board, individual matters to strategic direction. There are a few RCM committees chaired by board members - for example, looking at audit and risk or the information services for members - and all of those also feed back into the board for oversight. Keelie Barrett MSW MEMBER OF THE RCM BOARD I was the first MSW member of the RCM board, elected in 2019 when MSWs became eligible. Because of this, I feel it's important for me to be a role model to show other MSWs what's possible and encourage them to put themselves forward too. Having been on a board of governors at a school I had an insight into that - but I wasn't aware of all the sub-committees board members get involved in, such as the Investment Committee that I currently chair, all of which feeds back into the whole board meetings every other month.
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In this article, we offer insights into the plurality of interest groups' strategic responses to the socially, politically, and economically transformative phenomenon of democratic backsliding. For the purpose of the article, the term "ideational plurality” has been coined to refer to a plurality of interest groups' ideas leading their activities in general and their choice of strategies concerning the government in particular (attitudinal and behavioural aspects). Two policy fields and two types of interest groups engaged in an institutionalised social partnership—advocacy NGOs (operating in the environmental policy field) and economic groups (trade unions)—are studied comparatively in Slovenia using a mixed‐methods approach. The key findings are that strategic responses to democratic backsliding vary between environmental NGOs and trade unions, as do their ideational plurality, and that environmental NGOs' ideational plurality damages their potential to struggle against democratic backsliding. In contrast, trade unions' ideational homogeneity enables them to jointly struggle against governmental destruction of one significant segment of democratic order (institutions of social partnership) without demanding that the government step down for misusing the Covid‐19 pandemic to establish a system of governance that resonates with Viktor Orbán's ideas of illiberal democracy.
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Foodsters United, une campagne de syndicalisation en milieu de travail menée par des coursiers alimentaires de Toronto, montre que, meme dans l'économie des petits boulots, les méthodes de syndicalisation classiques fonctionnent. Les Foodsters ont contesté avec succes leur classification erronée en tant qu'entrepreneurs indépendants, ont fait signer des cartes syndicales a plus de 40 pour cent d'une main-d'œuvre importante et ont déclenché un vote syndical qu'ils ont remporté avec 88,8 pour cent de soutien. Ces victoires ont été tempérées par un revers dévastateur: leur employeur, Foodora, s'est retiré des marchés canadiens. Néanmoins, ce que Foodsters United a réalisé grâce a l'organisation du lieu de travail a soutenu sa transformation en Gig Workers United, qui organise tous les travailleurs de la plateforme de livraison a Toronto. Bien que les sociétés de plateforme comme Foodora promeuvent l'idée que l'économie des petits boulots est sans précédent, ses continuités historiques sont plus importantes que ses discontinuités. Cela est également vrai de l'organisation du lieu de travail dans l'économie des petits boulots. Foodsters United a remporté des victoires substantielles, non pas parce qu'ils ont inventé de nouvelles méthodes d'organisation, mais parce qu'ils ont adapté les méthodes classiques, de maniere souvent ingénieuse, a leur lieu de travail de l'économie des petits boulots. Cet article est basé sur des entretiens avec les organisateurs de la campagne. Il est organisé de maniere thématique selon les méthodes classiques d'organisation du lieu de travail, en particulier celles développées dans la tradition d'organisation industrielle, y compris l'organisation des conversations, la cartographie, la mise en tableaux, l'identification des dirigeants, l'identification des problemes et la création d'organisations démocratiques.Alternate :Foodsters United, a workplace organizing campaign by Toronto food couriers, shows that, even in the gig economy, the classic organizing methods work. The Foodsters successfully challenged their misclassification as independent contractors, got over 40 per cent of a large workforce to sign union cards, and triggered a union vote that they won with 88.8 per cent support. These victories were tempered by a devastating setback: their employer, Foodora, exited from Canadian markets. Nevertheless, what Foodsters United achieved through workplace organizing sustained its transformation into Gig Workers United, which is organizing all delivery platform workers in Toronto. Although platform companies like Foodora promote the idea that the gig economy is unprecedented, its historical continuities are more important than its discontinuities. This is also true of the workplace organizing in the gig economy. Foodsters United achieved substantial victories, not because they invented new organizing methods but because they adapted the classic methods, in often ingenious ways, to their gig economy workplace. This article is based on interviews with the campaign organizers. It is organized thematically according to classic workplace organizing methods, particularly those developed in the industrial organizing tradition, including organizing conversations, mapping, charting, leader identification, issue identification, and the creation of democratic organizations.
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Tayeb reviews Public Health in Asia during the COVID-19 Pandemic: Global Health, Migrant Labour, and International Health Crises edited by Anoma P. van der Veere, Florian Schneider and Catherine Yukping Lo.
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[...]management behavior plays a crucial role in developing CSR strategies. [...]with the development of new theoretical constructs and new models, it is necessary to better understand the dynamics and critical factors of the relationship between CSR and company performance as well as the context in which they operate (Lin et al., 2019;Surroca et al., 2010). In developed countries, CSR has become an important element for firms, as CSR strategies enhance their competitiveness and corporate reputation (e.g. Becker-Olsen et al., 2006;Aguilera et al., 2007). [...]of particular interest – in terms of context influences – are also countries considered as fastest-developing, such as BRICS, CIVETS, Next Eleven, and MINT, in which different cultural and social aspects can influence CSR strategies in different ways compared to developed countries (e.g. Aguinis and Glavas, 2019;Sardana et al., 2020). [...]this special issue aimed to attract rigorous research studies from scholars all over the world, contributing to enrich theoretical and practical knowledge about CSR, helping scholars – as well as executives of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), emerging market SMEs, multinationals enterprise (MNEs) and emerging market MNEs (EM-MNEs) – to navigate through, overcome and learn from the COVID-19 global crisis.
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Raphael reassesses the limits of "just cause" during a current global health crisis that has the potential to fundamentally alter labor relations and the role of the modern labor arbitrator. The ethical consequences of this expanding role are then considered. She breaks down traditional theories for articulating "just cause" in light of changing historical conceptions of the limits of arbitral discretion. She concludes with how the current public health and labor crisis of the Covid-19 pandemic has the potential to expand the public role of the labor arbitrator in "just cause" discharge and discipline grievances. While additional arbitration issues are likely to arise in response to the Covid-19 pandemic, they are beyond the scope of this work.
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Drawing on Goffman's writings, our article looks at how social dialogue evolves when the theater of interactions between unions and employers becomes digital, as was the case following the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on 23 interviews, our article highlights three effects of digital technology on the stage play of union actors: the loss of the theatrical character of speech, the isolation of actors and the desynchronization of their interventions. Our study also concludes that there is an overall impoverishment of backstage exchanges. This article contributes to the literature by showing how the remote mode modifies the power relations between unions and employers as well as the very nature of their relations.
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Мета. Визначити Ñ€/вень каузальноÑти шновацшних процеÑ/в Ñ€Ð¾Ð·ÑˆÐ¸Ñ€ÐµÐ½Ð½Ñ Ð¿Ð³-економшного проÑтору й Ñоциально!, економ/чно! та еколог/чно! захищеноÑл видобувно! галузi Украши в умовах зм/ни ÑиÑтеми технолопчних уклад/в, Ñпричинено! поÑвою ново!' безпеково! Ñтруктурно-функцiональноî Post-Covid компоненти. Запропонувати типовi Ñценарп Ñталого розвитку вттчизнÑно! г/гекономiки економiки в контекÑÑ‚i вдоÑÐºÐ¾Ð½Ð°Ð»ÐµÐ½Ð½Ñ Ð±ÐµÐ·Ð¿ÐµÐºÐ¾Ð²Ð¾'! поллики у видобувнш галузi. Методика. Ð”Ð»Ñ Ð´Ð¾ÑÑÐ³Ð½ÐµÐ½Ð½Ñ Ð·Ð°Ð·Ð½Ð°Ñ‡ÐµÐ½Ð¾! мети викориÑтане Ñценарне плануваннÑ, Дельфi, SMART, SWOT-аналiз i математичн/ методи - економетричний i град/ентний аналiз доÑл/дженнÑ, що уможливлюють Ð²Ð¸Ð·Ð½Ð°Ñ‡ÐµÐ½Ð½Ñ ÑкалÑрних величин i напрÑм/в екÑтремальних iнновацiйних змiн функций гiг-економiки в контекÑÑ‚i Ñталого розвитку видобувно! промиÑловоÑÑ‚i Укра!ни. Розрахунки проводилиÑÑ Ð½Ð° оÑновi програмного пакету SPSS Data Analysis Software. Результата. У робот/ ÑиÑтемно проанал/зоваш ключовi безпековi показники науково-технiчного прогреÑу в контекÑÑ‚i Ñталого розвитку видобувно! галузi та вÑтановлено взаемно однозначний зв>Ñзок iÑнуючих Ñоц/альноеконом/чних економ/чних Ñвищ та гiг-економiчних процеÑiв, що в оÑтанш роки аÑиметрично актив/зувалиÑÑ Ð¿!д впливом Post-Covid наÑлiдкiв. ОкреÑлена безпекова Ñпецифiка тактичного й Ñтратегшного управлiÐ½Ð½Ñ Ð³iг-економiкою. Ðаукова новизна. Запропоновано методичний шдхщ щодо юльюÑного та Ñк/Ñного Ð²Ð¸Ð·Ð½Ð°Ñ‡ÐµÐ½Ð½Ñ Ð±ÐµÐ·Ð¿ÐµÐºÐ¾Ð²Ð¸Ñ… градiентiв розвитку видобувного гоÑподарÑтва, що уможливлюе Ð²Ñ€Ð°Ñ…ÑƒÐ²Ð°Ð½Ð½Ñ Ñ‚Ñ€Ð°Ð½Ñформацшних Post-Covid наÑладив, а також диверÑифiкуе тактичне та Ñтратепчне управлiннÑ. Зокрема, пропонуетьÑÑ Ð²Ð¸ÐºÐ¾Ñ€Ð¸Ñтати шновацшну цифрову платформу CENSIE - «Central European Network for Sustainable and Innovative Economy». Практична значимадть. ВикориÑÑ‚Ð°Ð½Ð½Ñ Ð·Ð°Ð¿Ñ€Ð¾Ð¿Ð¾Ð½Ð¾Ð²Ð°Ð½Ð¾Ð³Ð¾ подходу ÑприÑтиме падвищенню ефективноÑл Ñтратег/чного й тактичного управл/Ð½Ð½Ñ ÐºÐ°Ð´Ñ€Ð¾Ð²Ð¾ÑŽ политикою у видобувнш галуз/ в умовах Ñ„Ð¾Ñ€Ð¼ÑƒÐ²Ð°Ð½Ð½Ñ Ð¿Ð³-економ/ки, а також Ñинхрон/зуе чаÑов/ та проÑторов/ параметри, падвищуючи адреÑшÑть управл/нÑьких Ñ€/шень. Запропоновано Ð²Ð¿Ñ€Ð¾Ð²Ð°Ð´Ð¶ÐµÐ½Ð½Ñ Ñпециально!' диÑтанцшно! платформи «ВидобуваннÑФраданÑ» Ð´Ð»Ñ Ð½Ð°Ð´Ð°Ð½Ð½Ñ Ñ„Ñ€Ð°Ð´Ð°Ð½Ñ-поÑлуг домогоÑподарÑтвам, Ñ„/зичним оÑобам-падприемцÑм i шшим виробникам, Ñй будуть захищеш технологию Blockchain на баз/ юнуючо! прогами «ProZorro». При цьому Blockchain-технологи дозволÑть п/двищити роль профÑпшок, й зможуть об'еднати пг-пращвнийв у едину ÑиÑтему та контролювати умови пращ, взÑвши на Ñебе певн/ Ñоцшльш зобов'ÑзаннÑ.Alternate :Purpose. To evaluate causality of expanding the gig-economic space and the socioeconomic and ecological security of Ukraines mining industry in the context of the changing technological structures caused by the emergence of a new security structural and functional post Covid-19 component. To propose typical scenarios for sustainable development of the gig-economy in the context of improving security policy of Ukraines mining industry. Methodology. To achieve this goal, a scenario planning, Delphi, SMART, SWOT analysis and mathematical research methods - econometric and gradient analysis, were used to determine the scalar values and directions of extreme innovative changes in the gig economy in the context of sustainable development of mining industry in Ukraine. The calculations were carried out using the SPSS Data Analysis Software. Findings. The work systematically analyzes key safety indicators of scientific-technological progress for sustainable development of the mining industry and establishes a one-to-one relationship between existing socio-economic phenomena and gigeconomic processes, which in recent years have been asymmetrically activated under the influence of the post Covid-2019. The security specifics of tactical and strategic management of the gig-economy are outlined. Originality. A methodological approach to the quantitative and qualitative determination of the safety gradients of the development of the mining industry enables the consideration of transformational Post-Covid consequences, as well as diversifies tactical and strategic management. In particular, it isproposed to use an innovative digital platform CENSIE - Central European Network for Sustainable and Innovative Economy. Practical value. A proposed approach would facilitate to improve the efficiency of strategic and tactical management of personnel policy of the mining industry in the context of the formation of a gig-economy, as well as synchronize time and space parameters, increasing the targeting of management decisions. It was proposed to introduce a special remote platform MiningFreelance to provide freelance services to households, family farms and other manufacturers which will be protected by the Blockchain registry based on existing ProZorro programs. At the same time, Blockchain technologies will increase the role of trade unions, which will be able to unite gig workers into a single system and control working conditions, taking on certain social obligations.
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The article is devoted to the issues of trade and economic integration in the Greater Eurasia region. The trends of regionalization in the Asia-Pacific region based on multilateral trade deals are studied. The analysis of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement, the prerequisites for its conclusion, and the effects of implementation has been carried out. These issues were considered in conjunction with the implementation of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, including considering the current prerequisites for its expansion. The authors investigate the issues of conjugation of the EAEU and integration processes in the Asia-Pacific region within the framework of the idea of the Greater Eurasian Partnership. Specific proposals for the organization of work, based on the mechanisms for implementing the EAEU’s international legal personality, have been formulated. An overview of the possible results of the conclusion of the Agreement in Greater Eurasia in the economic and geopolitical context is presented.
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BackgroundTrade union membership has massively declined in economically advanced economies. In addition, considerable variation exists between indicators of unionization, including trade union membership or presence rates. However, trade union membership and collective bargaining rates have recently risen in the UK. Yet, studies on the association between collective bargaining and workers’ mental health are sparse and non-existent in the current pandemic context. This study examines whether the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on UK workers’ mental health is moderated by the presence of trade unions within their industrial sector.MethodsWe used UK Household Longitudinal Study (Understanding Society) data from adults in paid employment, who participated in at least: one pre-COVID-19 Wave (9 or 10/11) and one COVID-19 wave. Primary outcome was probable psychological distress, defined by ‘caseness’ (score≥4) in the General Health Questionnaire-12 (GHQ-12). In model 1, exposure was trade union presence in workplaces, interacting with a variable splitting time between the pre and pandemic periods. In model 2, industry was added to the exposure in model 1 (3-way interaction). We fitted mixed-effects logistic regression models, adjusting for age, gender, ethnicity, UK country of residence and dummy variables for Understanding Society waves.ResultsOur final sample included 69,348 observations across 9,075 individuals. Pre-pandemic, odds of GHQ-12 caseness were almost 11% (OR:1.11 95%CI:0.98,1.26) higher for workers in unionised compared to non-unionised workplaces;however post-pandemic there was no difference between the two groups. Examining changes over the pre- to pandemic period, showed that odds of GHQ-12 caseness for those in non-unionised workplaces increased by 42% (OR:1.42 95%CI:1.23,1.64), whereas for those in unionised workplaces odds increased by 28% (OR:1.28 95%CI:1.11,1.47). Overall, industrial classification did not modify the relationship between trade union presence and GHQ-12 caseness, except for workers in Manufacturing (OR:0.61 95%CI:0.40,0.95) where we found a protective effect but the opposite stands for those in Transportation and Storage (OR:1.89 95%CI:1.18,3.03). Pre-pandemic, odds of GHQ-12 caseness for education sector workers were considerably higher in unionised workplaces (OR:1.70 95%CI:1.15,2.53) but declined during the pandemic period (OR:0.62 95%CI:1.05,2.47).ConclusionTrade union presence appears to have a protective effect for worker mental health during the pandemic. However, apart from Manufacturing, Transportation and Storage and Education, there is no evidence that type of industry modifies this effect. Therefore, policies should be designed to encourage and facilitate trade union presence across industries as they are likely to mitigate adverse mental health effects in times of extreme uncertainty.
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This paper focuses on the political economy of work and labour under COVID-19 in the Canadian context. It reviews the impact of the COVID crisis on employment and workers, highlighting gendered and racialized inequalities in waged and unwaged work, analyzes state responses to the crisis, and explores how organized labour has navigated COVID capitalism. It argues that, while unions have engaged in necessary defensive struggles, the labour movement has not prioritized and won class-wide demands.This paper is part of the SPE Theme on the Political Economy of COVID-19.
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The Covid-19 pandemic has made clear the central role of the workplace in public health. Workers and working families have been particularly impacted by a public health and economic crisis that has revealed both structural shortcomings and opportunities for future preparedness. In response to the pandemic, a group of scholars, labor and anti-poverty advocates, activists, union representatives, frontline workers, and public health professionals gathered to share observations and create a forum for information sharing and collaboration. Conversations evolved with the pandemic to include policy solutions aimed at addressing the pandemic's health and economic impacts. In this paper, we summarize key lessons from the "Covid-19 and Workers" calls and suggest that ongoing collaboration among labor activists and academic and public health advocates may help to prepare for new public health crises and protect the safety and health of workers and communities.
Subject(s)
COVID-19 , Humans , COVID-19/epidemiology , Pandemics , Universities , Health Personnel , WorkplaceABSTRACT
2019 yılında Çin'in Vuhan eyaletinden tüm dünyaya doǧru hızlı bir şekilde yayılım gösteren Covid19 salgını bütün ülkeleri sosyal, siyasal, saǧlık, ekonomik ve kültürel açıdan negatif yönden etkilemiştir. Ílk başlarda sadece bir saǧlık krizi olarak görülen Covid-19 krizi, daha sonradan tüm dünyaya emek, işgücü ve ekonomik bir kriz olduǧunu göstermiştir. Bahsi geçen kriz her kesimi etkilemesine raǧmen toplum içerisinde yer alan kırılgan ve güvencesiz olarak nitelendirilen gençleri, kadınları ve yaşlı kesimi daha çok etkilemiş ve onlar arasında eşitsizliǧi daha da derinleştirmiştir. Yapılan çalışmada Covid-19 salgını döneminin sendikalar üzerinde yarattıǧı etkilere deǧinilmiştir. Bu baǧlamda tüm dünyayı etkisi altına alan Covid-19 Salgını sonrasında sendikaların geleceǧe ilişkin ne tür mücadele politikaları ileri sürecekleri deǧerlendirilmiştir.Alternate :In 2019, Covid-19, a rapid spreadfrom the province of Vuhan in China to the world, has affected all countries in a negative way, socially, politically, economically and culturally. Initially, the Covid-19 crisis, which was seen as just a health crisis, later showed the world that there was labor, labor and economic crisis. The crisis has affected every segment, but has further deepened the inequality between the young, the women and the elderly, who have been described as vulnerable and unsafe in society. In the study, the effects of the Covid-19 outbreak on trade unions were mentioned. In this context, after the Covid-19 epidemic that has taken over the world, the unions have been evaluated on what kind of fight policies they will put forward in the future.
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The article gives an account of the result of the research developed in response to the call made by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the Open Society Foundations (OSF) in 2021 to carry out a project that would identify the potential of the link between unions and cooperatives to organize workers in the informal economy in African and Latin American countries. Researchers from ODI, London, with the collaboration of researchers and practitioners from Brazil, Colombia, Ghana, Kenya and Uganda, identified and documented partnership examples through which to shed light development processes, identify learning on successes and challenges, and inform recommendations for future support. A country case study of Colombia is provided to illustrate the variety, complexity and possibilities of the topic studied. Three nascent partnership experiences, linked in different ways to the social and solidarity economy, demonstrate the potential of this approach to promote fair trade, responsible consumption and local markets, boost entrepreneurship and create decent working conditions for workers who traditionally face informality.Alternate :El artículo da cuenta del resultado de la investigación desarrollada en respuesta a la convocatoria realizada por la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT) y la Open Society Foundations (OSF) en el 2021 para llevar a cabo un proyecto que permitiera identificar los beneficios del vínculo entre los sindicatos y la Economía Social y Solidaria (ESS) para organizar los trabajadores de la economía informal en países africanos y latinoamericanos. Investigadoras de ODI, de Londres con la colaboración de investigadoras de Brasil, Colombia, Ghana, Kenia y Uganda, identificaron y documentaron casos que permiten analizar los procesos de desarrollo de alianzas, proporcionando aprendizajes a partir de los éxitos y desafíos como también recomendaciones para el futuro. Se revisa en especial el caso colombiano, para ilustrar la variedad, complejidad y posibilidades del estudio desarrollado;allí, se describen tres experiencias, todas en etapas tempranas, vinculadas con diferentes expresiones de la economía social y solidaria que demuestran los potenciales de esta relación para fomentar el comercio justo, el consumo responsable y los mercados locales;dinamizar el emprendimiento en los territorios y crear condiciones de trabajo digno para los trabajadores que afrontan tradicionalmente la informalidad.
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El cooperativismo uruguayo se caracteriza por su fuerte vinculación con gremios y sindicatos, siendo la figura cooperativa frecuentemente utilizada como herramienta para abordar las reivindicaciones sindicales. Es el caso de las Cooperativas de Artistas y Oficios Conexos (CAOC), una nueva figura jurídica en el país, creada a partir de negociaciones entre los sindicatos de las artes escénicas y el Estado, que busca incluir en la seguridad social a un sector informal y tradicionalmente desprotegido. Este trabajo analiza, a partir de un estudio de caso de abordaje cualitativo, la singularidad de la relación entre estos sindicatos y las dos primeras cooperativas de artistas establecidas (Valorarte y Coopaudem). El objetivo es comprender el funcionamiento de estas organizaciones que, tal como se observa en el abordaje conjunto ante la crisis COVID-19, configuran un claro ejemplo de la posibilidad de generar alianzas estratégicas entre sindicalismo y cooperativismo. El rol protagónico de los sindicatos en el proceso de conformación de esta clase de cooperativas, así como en la fundación de las dos mencionadas CAOC, confirma la clara vigencia de estas cooperativas como herramienta sindical. Asimismo, se constata que esta relación cuasi simbiótica presenta fortalezas en lo operativo y en la consecución de los fines de cada organización, constituyendo una modalidad novedosa e innovadora, pero también tensiona los principios de libre membresía y autonomía cooperativa. Finalmente, se valora que profundiza debilidades en la inserción y vínculo con el resto del sector cooperativo, con quien mantienen un escaso contacto desde su génesis.Alternate :Uruguayan cooperativism is characterized by strong links with guilds and unions, and the cooperative figure has often been a tool to address their demands. This is the case of the Cooperatives of Artists and Related Trades (CAOC), a new figure in the country, created as a result of negotiations between the Performing Arts Unions and the State, which seeks to include an informal and traditionally unprotected sector in the social security system. This paper analyzes, on the basis of a qualitative case study, the singularity of the relationship between these unions and the first two established artists' cooperatives (Valorarte and Coopaudem). The objective is to understand the functioning of these organizations which, as observed in the joint approach to the COVID-19 crisis, are a clear example of the possibility of generating strategic alliances between unionism and cooperativism. The leading role played by trade unions in the process of estabishing this type of cooperatives, as well as in the founding of the aforementioned CAOCs, confirms the clear relevance of this ooperatives as a trade union tool. Likewise, it is noted that this quasi-symbiotic relationship presents strengths in the operational aspect and in the achievement of the goals of each organization, constitutes a novel and innovative modality, but also compromises the principles of free membership and cooperative autonomy. Finally, it is assessed that this relation deepens the weaknesses these organizations inclusion and links with the rest of the cooperative sector, with whom it has had little contact since its inception.
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[...]Fang Yuan, Fang Lee Cooke, Teng Zhong and Fansuo An have written a compelling piece about a hitherto largely unexplored aspect of working life in China (in English). [...]Jocelyne Barreau, Christelle Havard and Angélique Ngaha Bah defend an analytical model, based on process studies, which shows how International Framework Agreement effectiveness is influenced by the positions, behaviors and interactions negociators (In French). Fourth, Marc-Antonin Hennebert, Chloé Fortin-Bergeron and Oliver Doucet, provide a more orthodox industrial relations-type focus in their theoretical contribution examining determinants of union commitment amongst young workers (in English).
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Purpose>This paper examines how the properties and patterns of a collaborative “networked hierarchy” incident command system (ICS) archetype can provide incident command centres with extra capabilities to manage public service delivery during COVID-19.Design/methodology/approach>The paper illustrates the case of Sri Lanka's COVID-19 administration during its “first wave” (from 15 February to 1 September 2020). Primary data were collected through in-depth interviews with government officials who were directly involved in the administration of the COVID-19 outbreak. Secondary data sources were government publications and web sources. The data were analysed and interpreted by using narrative analysis and archetype theory respectively.Findings>The findings highlight how Sri Lanka's public sector responses to COVID-19 have followed a collaborative “networked hierarchy” ICS archetype. More specifically, the government changed its normative ICS “properties” by incorporating a diverse group of intergovernmental agencies such as the police, the military, the health service and administrative services by articulating new patterns of collaborative working, namely, organisational values, beliefs and ideas that fit with the Sri Lankan public service context.Originality/value>In responding to high magnitude healthcare emergencies, the flexibility of a collaborative networked ICS hierarchy enables different balances of organisational properties to be incorporated, such as hierarchy and horizontal networking and “patterns” in public service provision.
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We are in the midst of cascading political, economic, health, and environmental crises. Perhaps most evident is the Republican Party's introduction of over 360 legislative bills primarily aimed at making it harder for people of color and urban residents to vote. Meanwhile, we are slowly emerging from the Covid-19 pandemic that exacerbated the pre-existing economic crisis stemming from out of control wealth inequality. All of these problems have common origins in elite control of an economy organized around capital accumulation, and popular racism cultivated over centuries by elites to divert white workers away from multi-racial solidarity with workers of color.