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1.
Soc Theory Health ; 20(2): 107-122, 2022.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-1878575

ABSTRACT

This paper establishes a relational, post-anthropocentric and materialist approach to the Covid-19 coronavirus pandemic. Analysis of the 'pandemic assemblage' reveals that the virus has subverted the social and economic relations of capitalism, enabling its global spread. This insight establishes a materialist framework for exploring socio-economic disparities in Covid-19 incidence and death rates, via a more-than-human and monist analysis of capitalist production and markets. Disparities derive from the 'thousand tiny dis/advantages' produced by people's daily interactions with human and non-human matter, making sense of the unequal occupational patterning of coronavirus incidence. This more-than-human approach supplies a critical alternative to the mainstream public health and scientific perspectives on the pandemic, with important implications for current and future policy to counter future microbiological outbreaks.

2.
Gender, Work and Organization ; 2022.
Article in English | Scopus | ID: covidwho-1874417

ABSTRACT

In this paper, we challenge the meanings of work that marginalize academic activities associated with care and contribute to inequitable gender divisions of academic labor. We argue that the pandemic crisis and the revision of the meaning of “essential work” that accompanied it has served as a catalyst for such concerns to get a hearing. But while there has been significant attention paid to domestic care demands and their impact on academic labor, there is less focus on the caretaking work we do in the university even though the gender unequal distribution of teaching, mentoring and service work has also intensified in the pandemic. We argue that this is in part due to the institutional discourses and practices that continue to devalue many components of everyday academic labor. In order to challenge these limits, we extend ideas from Feminist political economy (FPE) to university settings in order to reframe academic labor and revalue care as an essential part of it. We offer two suggestions, connected to FPE methodologies, for gathering and reconceptualizing data on academic work to push the project forward. We conclude with the argument that this project of revaluing caring labor is essential for achieving goals of equity, faculty well-being, and the sustainability of universities. © 2022 The Authors. Gender, Work & Organization published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.

3.
Journal of Eastern African Studies ; 16(1):92-114, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1873811

ABSTRACT

There are few questions of greater significance in African international relations than China's actions in and engagement with other states. Chinese infrastructure, businesses, and people have blanketed the continent and revolutionized lifestyles, transportation, and political economies. The advantages and detractions of such developments, in turn, have shaped local attitudes. African attitudes towards China, nevertheless, remain largely the subject of conjecture. This article explores the contemporary attitudes of Kenyan university students to China through surveys and contributes empirical data to the literature. Combined with a comparative textual analysis of the main Kenyan newspaper, the article sheds light on largely unknown—but generally assumed—attitudes of Kenyans towards China. The findings question a stereotype of China in Kenya and, by extension, the actions and reactions of other Africans and African states towards it. They also uncover nuanced attitudes that confound the mostly negative Western narrative about China in Africa. Accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as debt, perceived racism and unfair labour practices, Kenyan university students' attitudes and discourse in the elite media have become less positive. There is, in addition, the broad perception that it is Kenya's leadership that benefits from the relationship and not so much its ordinary citizens.

4.
BMJ Global Health ; 7(Suppl 2):A33, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1871223

ABSTRACT

ObjectivesThe availability of COVID-19 vaccines is gradually changing the world, allowing countries to combat the pandemic using an offensive rather than defensive approach. The decisions to procure and manage the vaccines are influenced by a country’s health system, its economic status, international politics as well as national interests. This study looks at this dynamic in Thailand through the lens of a political economy analysis to understand the distribution and influence of power and resources in procuring vaccines for an upper-middle income country.MethodsWe conducted a document review and interviews with key stakeholders to gain insights into the health system and political economy implications of Thailand’s COVID-19 vaccine procurement strategies. The data was analysed using a framework developed by Fritz, Kaiser, and Levy in 2009 on political economy analysis focusing on structural, institutional and stakeholder-related factors.ResultsThailand had been successful in containing COVID-19, however, a proactive approach to planning and procuring COVID-19 vaccines was not employed. Thailand did not join the multi-lateral COVAX Facility, and instead relied on two manufacturers. It also pursued a vaccine security policy by supporting domestic production of a COVID-19 vaccine. As of July 2021, the country has vaccinated 5.2% of its population, which is lower than the global average. Relevant groups and stakeholders in the vaccine policy landscape include the Ministry of Public Health, the National Vaccine Institute, Government Pharmaceutical Organization, private hospitals, medical associations and the public among others. The study is at an early stage of analysis and results will be available in September 2021.ConclusionThe complexities of COVID-19 vaccine policymaking necessitate a nuanced, multidisciplinary approach. Political economy analysis can be a useful tool in informing the various stages of the policy making process such as agenda-setting, policy design, adoption, implementation and evaluation.

5.
Collaborative Anthropologies ; 14(2):1-13, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1871053

ABSTRACT

Introduction In July 2020 the authors in this special issue assembled at a digital conference amidst a global pandemic-an experience that seemed in many ways to defy time. Bourdieu's theory of practice combines space and time, as bodily activity in part produces space, while also existing in relationship with time-lending habitus spatial and temporal dimensions (Bourdieu 1977 and 1990 [1980];Munn 1992, 106). Schatzki also brings futurity to bear on the question of time, space, and activity, emphasizing the teleological nature of practice as being oriented toward a particular imagined end or goal (2010). Capitalist time "acts as the basis for the universal measure of value in labour, debt, and exchange relationships" and so is in conflict with lived experiences of time, creating temporal textures that "thicken with ethical problems, impossible dilemmas, and difficult orchestrations" (Bear 2014, 6-7).

6.
Journal of Chinese Economic and Foreign Trade Studies ; 15(2):125-149, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1865058

ABSTRACT

Purpose>This purpose of this paper is to explore China’s choice to focus early Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Africa outreach on Eastern Africa. The BRI specifically seeks to achieve ten economic and policy objectives, as outlined in the two launch speeches of 2013. In terms of realising these, the economic development and digitisation levels, that progress of the demographic transition, and the important security context of the sub-region, logically make East Africa relatively important to BRI in continental context. Kenya specifically is important in being an African frontier therein, and, also, because it shares a few important borders with landlocked countries, including Ethiopia, Sudan and Uganda, alongside a strategic coast and ports. From this lens, as well the fact that in the Ming Dynasty Chinese fleets reached what is modern-day Kenya, China’s early BRI outreach to Africa having had a historical precedent in initially focusing on Eastern Africa, might be usefully understood.Design/methodology/approach>To realise that aim a comprehensive survey of related literature and policy documents, in Chinese, English and Swahili, was undertaken and relevant data compiled and analysed.Findings>To the best of the authors’ knowledge, first, this paper is the first to argue that the Belt and Road Initiative in Africa may build on long-run logic in terms of economics, demographic change and security. This provides a contrary perspective to the pre-existing established “debt trap diplomacy” and no consistent logic narratives. Second, it is the first to offer a synthesised analysis of the BRI in Africa, East Africa specifically, looking across economic, demographic and security angles.Research limitations/implications>The paper is a synthesis of development and regional economics literature that forges some prospective rationales only. It is not an empirical research paper drawing very specific and definitive conclusions.Practical implications>Amid widespread geo-economic tensions and uncertainty, around the Belt and Road Initiative in particular, this paper offers a new economic development-oriented logic for the choice of an important node of the China's Belt and Road Initiative, that of East Africa, Kenya especially. This may impact existing related narratives and policy responses.Social implications>Equivalently to the above this may then have an impact on the ground in East Africa and beyond.Originality/value>The first such or even close to synthesis.

7.
New Technology, Work and Employment ; n/a(n/a), 2022.
Article in English | Wiley | ID: covidwho-1861493

ABSTRACT

The COVID-19 crisis witnessed a major rise in investment in software for the digital organisation and rationalisation of work, while investment in robotics is continuously lagging behind expectations. This article argues that we can understand this development as the continuation of the rise of algorithmic management as a technological fix for profitability crises. Thus, in the face of falling wage rates and a structural overaccumulation of capital since the 1970s, algorithmic management has become an alternative to automation. The article reconstructs the history of algorithmic management in connection to economic crises. This allows for periodisation of the rise of algorithmic management from 'computer-integrated manufacturing' to remote work in four waves. In times of crisis, algorithmic management functions as a substitute for investment in 'tangible capital' such as robots. Structural economic forces thus interact with labour conflicts at the company level, shaping the rise of algorithmic management.

8.
SSRN; 2022.
Preprint in English | SSRN | ID: ppcovidwho-335734

ABSTRACT

As the COVID-19 pandemic ravaged human bodies and economies across the world, millions of app-deployed drivers in the United States— primarily immigrants and subordinated racial minorities—faced a dangerous and perplexing paradox created by law. This paradox—their simultaneous treatment as independent contractors, excluded from economic security, and their newly anointed legal status as “essential workers”— rhetorically celebrated their labor while disproportionately exposing them not just to poverty, but to disease and death. How did this become possible? How are we to make sense of this legal contradiction and the antagonistic terms of the law in the lives of workers during this moment of extreme crisis? And how did these workers, laboring without economic rights in the wealthiest nation in the world, respond to the resultant forms of structural violence in their lives? This essay tries to make sense of the legal and lived condition of being essentially dispossessed during this moment. I argue that this cruel contradiction became possible not through the machinations of a callous state or the thick-skinned indifference of government officials but rather, in significant part, through a mystification generated by the fragmented nature of work law. Together with obscuring narratives of innovation and techno-modernism, seven years of uneven, arbitrary legal outcomes made the central legal question (are they employees or independent contractors?) appear unresolvable. This mystification regularized the dispossession of millions of low- income immigrant and racial minority workers, even amid the proliferation of a deadly disease to which they were acutely vulnerable by occupation.1 Activist-drivers, in turn, confronted their relegation to being essentially dis- possessed by using their situated knowledges (Haraway 1988) about their jobs, work law, and emerging bureaucratic processes to demand economic security through legalized direct actions. Rideshare Drivers United (RDU)—a group of self-organizing Uber and Lyft drivers whom I studied—devised means to collectively deluge the state with individual appeals for unemployment insurance, forcing attention to their paradox. Remarkably, these ride-hail workers leveraged the disappointing arbitrary outcomes of their legal claims and the resultant forms of persistent structural violence in their lives to grow solidaristic struggle.

9.
SSRN; 2022.
Preprint in English | SSRN | ID: ppcovidwho-335623

ABSTRACT

COVID-19 vaccine access has been highly inequitable worldwide, with coverage depending largely on a country’s wealth. By the end of 2021, 64.1% of people living in high-income countries had received at least one dose of the vaccine, compared to only 5.4% of those in low-income countries. Similarly, only high- and upper-middle-income countries had received the most effective vaccines. The uneven distribution of these lifesaving vaccines is complex due to the convergence of several factors, but it suggests that the expanding and ossifying extraordinary market and political power of a few vaccine manufacturers founded on intellectual property and complementary policies are decisive factors in shaping our healthcare systems and securing equitable access to vaccines. This Article analyzes the power dynamics of vaccine manufacturing and distribution of U.S. pharmaceutical companies in the context of global COVID 19 vaccination. Drawing on the health-justice and law-and-political-economy scholarship of the last decade, this Article demonstrates how a “patent culture” shaped by intellectual property law fundamentally neglects health-equity principles as it politicizes healthcare access. These contemporary frameworks suggest that the global COVID-19 vaccine-access problem is the result of avoidable policy choices of big manufacturers and affluent governments. Despite a long history of inequities in access to healthcare, policy choices—as predicted by Hart’s inverse equity theory—have favored a purposely inequitable-by-design vaccination program driven by the wealth and power of those allowed to control vaccine production and supply globally. Finally, the Article proposes ways to challenge the normalized and institutionalized patent culture that has commodified access to lifesaving conditions beyond national borders. As it examines national and international legal strategies to address the vaccine-access problem, the Article suggests equity-based principles of public value, transparency, and inclusivity to guide healthcare governance and future reformation of the vaccine-access landscape. An interdisciplinary analysis of the first year of the global vaccine rollout provides an account critical to future policies aiming to address the structural conditions needed to attain equitable health outcomes, even after the pandemic.

10.
New Global Studies ; 16(1):141-144, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1833744
11.
Comparative Political Studies ; : 1, 2022.
Article in English | Academic Search Complete | ID: covidwho-1832892

ABSTRACT

The current literature suggests that financial assets push investors to vote for conservative parties given that right-wing policies are said to generate higher returns. Another popular argument is that wealth reduces demand for welfare spending given that private assets can be used as a substitute for social benefits. What I ask in this study is if asset owners always support right-wing parties and a trimmed welfare state. I argue that owners of financial assets become less tempted by free-market policy offerings when there is uncertainty in financial markets. The dot-com bubble, the financial crisis, and most recently the massive impact on financial markets of the coronavirus show that savings can evaporate in a matter of days. I show that the support for right-wing parties decreases in areas with much financial assets under such conditions. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Comparative Political Studies is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

12.
International Journal of Political Economy ; 51(1):33-48, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1830539

ABSTRACT

This article explores the evolution of Spain’s capitalism during the last decades in order to unveil the factors underlying the harshness with which the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted Spain. We present a twofold thesis. On the one hand, we argue that Spanish capitalism has harbored certain internal vulnerabilities, relative to its productive specialization, its labor market, its welfare institutions, and indebtedness levels, which successive boom and busts have reproduced and ultimately exacerbated. On the other hand, we contend that these various vulnerabilities have abruptly come to the fore with the irruption of the COVID-19 pandemic, thus accounting for its singularly dramatic consequences. In order to substantiate our hypotheses, we provide a political economy analysis of the recent trajectory of Spanish capitalism. The economic boom initiated in the 1990s developed various vulnerabilities, which the years following the onset of the Great Recession did not attenuate and to which various others were added during the last expansion phase, all coming to the fore with the sudden outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic.

13.
International Journal of Political Economy ; 51(1):65-76, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1830538

ABSTRACT

Similar to the Eurozone crisis, Ireland engineered a more successful bounce back from the COVID-19 shock than crisis-hit peers. This article argues that the Irish path is less of a product of a generalizable export-led growth strategy, but, rather, can be explained by a set of idiosyncratic features. Using a wide array of macroeconomic indicators, the analysis assesses the opportunities and risks associated with Ireland's distinct path. It shows how strong ties to the United States, and emergence as the European hub for the world’s fastest growing firms sets Ireland apart from European peers. The US is a reliable “spender of last resort,” countercyclically spending and borrowing, boosting growth prospects of trading partners. Irish sectoral specialization in pharmaceutical manufacturing and digital services was also a boon in this crisis. The pandemic created opportunities for health-related industries;reliance on digital technologies helped digital firms. The article also finds, however, that banking on tech and pharma giants has significant limitations. First, multinationals’ accounting tricks artificially inflate economic statistics, and these two sectors are most affected. Second, to the extent that there is job-sustaining activity, it is not straightforward how the success of these sectors is transmitted to the rest of the economy. In the aftermath of the Eurozone crisis, the hospitality industry played a significant role as a “‘transmission belt,” receiving spillovers from the high value-added export sector. Since lockdowns hit hospitality the most, the social insurance function of fiscal policy is of paramount importance to ensure a more broad-based recovery.

14.
African Journal of Development Studies ; 2022(si1):121-121–136, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1812097

ABSTRACT

Access to vaccine and medical technologies is a right derived from the right to health as enshrined in the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights and other international and national conventions. However, there is a void between the commitment in principle to enhancing this access as part of the right to benefit from scientific progress on the one hand, and technical considerations surrounding universal access to health goods on the other hand. In Southern Africa, studies on the COVID-19 vaccine focused on how the international community has failed to commit itself to helping developing countries in providing aid towards vaccine procurement. Little effort has been directed at exploring alternatives to the manufacturing of generic vaccine. The study aimed to explore the possibilities of increasing the availability of generic vaccines in Southern Africa. An exploration of the potential of state institutions together with Africa-based pharmaceutical companies to ascertain the possibility of carrying out the task of manufacturing the vaccine was done. This was done through document analysis from literature that has been published on vaccine production of even other diseases as well as that of COVID-19. Literature comprised of official documents, academic publications as well as company documents. In addition to that, an analysis of documents on the enabling legal framework was also conducted. Through document analysis, national medicine policies that were reviewed indicated that although health is a constitutional right, the drafting of it did not factor the element that lack of access to vaccines seriously compromise the right to health. There was inadequate availability of human expertise, while commitment at national level was insignificant. On the enabling legal framework, it was noted that the World Trade Organisation, Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property also created inequality of access by prioritising intellectual rights more than access to health. Given the lack of expertise, insignificant national commitment, and promotion of the rights to health in some Southern African states, a higher mortality risk is imminent. Hence the need for a comprehensive establishment of equitable access to COVID-19 vaccine in Southern Africa countries.

15.
Economics and Business Review ; 8(1):50-71, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1811714

ABSTRACT

This paper aims to analyse the allocation of the COVID-19 response funds from the perspective of the political alignment hypothesis. The authors focus on the allocation of the second and third rounds of the Governmental Fund for Local Investments (part of the COVID-19 Response Fund) in Poland. Using the logit and OLS models and the regression discontinuity design the authors show that mayors aligned with the central government were significantly more likely to receive the funds, as well as in higher per capita values, than mayors aligned with the opposition or unaligned with any party in parliament when the allocation was based on a discretionary decision. The results support the political alignment hypothesis and highlight the danger of partiality in the allocation of the COVID-19 response funds.

16.
Socio-Economic Review ; : 21, 2022.
Article in English | Web of Science | ID: covidwho-1806580

ABSTRACT

The European Central Bank's (ECB) market-based treatment of government debt was an important cause of the 2010-2012 eurozone crisis. This article analyses the political dynamics that govern the ECB's approach to government debt from the earliest discussions on Economic and Monetary Union to the COVID-19 pandemic. The first part of the article traces the process of institutional transformation that led the ECB to introduce its strict market-based approach in 2005. I explain this development in terms of a strategy of depoliticization that brings the ECB to introduce a rigid and rule-based approach to designing its collateral framework. The article's second part explains why the ECB stuck to the market-based approach in the eurozone crisis but not in the pandemic crisis. Although its ill-defined constitutional role led the ECB to disavow its agency earlier, in March 2020, it had become clear that this strategy had stopped working and it was quickly abandoned in the face of a new bond market panic.

17.
World Health Organization. Bulletin of the World Health Organization ; 100(4):276-280, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1793126

ABSTRACT

Probleme Les facteurs liés a l'économie politique jouent un rôle crucial dans l'adoption et la mise en Å“uvre de mesures sanitaires. Pourtant, ces facteurs sont souvent négligés lors de l'élaboration de politiques susceptibles d'avoir un impact sur la santé. Approche Analyser l'économie politique représente un moyen de tenir compte des réalités politiques et sociales au niveau communautaire, infranational, national, régional ou international. Nous voulons démontrer l'importance de l'analyse de l'économie politique et promouvoir son usage dans les programmes techniques de travail. Environnement local Nous donnons des exemples issus d'une série de domaines traités par l'Organisation mondiale de la Santé, parmi lesquels la gouvernance participative, le financement de la santé, les taxes sanitaires, la prévention et la lutte contre la malaria, le renforcement des capacités et l'appui direct aux pays. Changements significatifs Les exemples portant sur l'intégration de l'analyse de l'économie politique dans l'appui technique illustrent la variabilité de cette approche analytique, mais aussi sa potentielle contribution aux progres politiques. Appliquer une analyse de l'économie politique a des programmes de travail spécifiques a permis de fournir un soutien technique adapté au contexte, augmentant ainsi les chances d'avancement des pays vers la réalisation des objectifs en matiere de santé. Leçons tirées Incorporer l'économie politique dans le travail technique comporte de nombreux avantages: amélioration de la représentation et de la participation dans le cadre des mesures sanitaires;meilleures possibilités d'adoption et de mise en Å“uvre de politiques solides sur le plan technique;et enfin, renforcement des capacités afin de comprendre et d'inclure les facteurs politiques qui ont une influence sur les priorités relatives a la santé.Alternate :Проблема Факторы политической экономии играют важную роль в определении принятия и осуществления политики в области охраны и укрепления здоровья. Однако эти факторы часто упускаются из виду при разработке политики, которая способна повлиять на охрану здоровья. Подход Политэкономический анализ позволяет учитывать политические и социальные реалии как на уровне сообщества, так и на субнациональном, национальном, региональном или глобальном уровне. Авторы ставят перед собой цель продемонстрировать ценность политэкономического анализа и способствовать его более широкому использованию в технических программах работы. Местные условия Ð’ статье приводятся примеры из различных областей деятельности Всемирной организации здравоохранения, включая управление на основе широкого участия, финансирование здравоохранения, налоги на здравоохранение, профилактику малярии и борьбу с ней, наращивание потенциала и прямую поддержку стран. Осуществленные перемены Существующие примеры того, как политэкономический анализ может быть включен в техническую поддержку, свидетельствуют об изменчивости этого аналитического подхода, а также о его потенциале для поддержки прогресса ² политике. Применение политэкономического анализа в рамках указанных программ работы позволило получить техническую поддержку, более соответствующую контексту, для повышения вероятности достижения странами целей, связанных со здравоохранением. Выводы Внедрение политэкономии в техническую работу имеет ряд преимуществ, в том числе повышение роли и участия в политике здравоохранения, поддержка принятия и реализации технически обоснованной политики, наращивание потенциала для учета и понимания политических факторов, оказывающих влияние на приоритеты в области здравоохранения.Alternate :Situación Los factores de economía política son importantes para determinar la adopción y aplicación de las políticas sanitarias. Sin embargo, se suelen ignorar estos factores cuando se elaboran políticas que pueden influir en la salud. Enfoque El análisis de economía política permite tener en cuenta las realidades políticas y sociales, ya sea a nivel local, subnacional, nacional, regional o mundial. El objetivo de este proyecto es demostrar el valor del análisis de la economía política y promover su uso generalizado en los programas técnicos de trabajo. Marco regional Se ofrecen ejemplos de diversas áreas de trabajo de la Organización Mundial de la Salud, como la gobernanza participativa, la financiación sanitaria, los impuestos sanitarios, la prevención y la contención del paludismo, la creación de capacidades y el apoyo directo a los países. Cambios importantes Los ejemplos existentes de cómo se puede incorporar el análisis de economía política al apoyo técnico demuestran la variabilidad de este enfoque analítico, así como su potencial para apoyar el progreso de las políticas. La aplicación del análisis de la economía política en los programas de trabajo especificados ha permitido que el apoyo técnico sea más pertinente según el contexto para aumentar la probabilidad de avanzar en los objetivossanitarios de los países. Lecciones aprendidas Integrar la economía política en el trabajo técnico tiene muchos beneficios, entre los que se incluyen: potenciar las opiniones y la participación en las políticas sanitarias;apoyar la adopción y la viabilidad de la aplicación de políticas técnicamente sólidas;y crear capacidad para incorporar y comprender los factores políticos que influyen en las prioridades sanitarias.Alternate :Problem Political economy factors are important in determining the adoption and implementation of health policies. Yet these factors are often overlooked in the development of policies that have the potential to influence health. Approach Political economy analysis provides a way to take into consideration political and social realities, whether at the community, subnational, national, regional or global levels. We aim to demonstrate the value of political economy analysis and to promote its wider use in technical programmes of work. Local setting We provide examples from across a range of World Health Organization areas of work, including participatory governance, health financing, health taxes, malaria prevention and control, capacity-building and direct country support. Relevant changes Existing examples of how political economy analysis can be incorporated into technical support demonstrate the variability of this analytical approach, as well as its potential to support policy progress. Applying political economy analysis within the specified programmes of work has enabled more contextually relevant technical support to enhance the likelihood of advancing countrie ' health-related objectives. Lessons learnt Embedding political economy into technical work has many benefits, including: enhancing voice and participation in health policies;supporting the adoption and implementation feasibility of technically sound policies;and building capacity to incorporate and understand political factors that influence health-related priorities.

18.
Gender & Behaviour ; 19(1):17597-17608, 2021.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1787162

ABSTRACT

The outbreak of the Covid -19 pandemic across the globe and the consequent responses continues to generate heated concerns. Relying on both secondary and primary sources of data, and employing the political economy framework, this study interrogates the apparent commercialization of Nigeria's response to the Covid - 19 pandemic and its implication for nation building. This study argues that in spite of the threat posed by the Covid - 19, the commercializiation in its response via the falsification of figures amidst low numbers ofpersons tested, duplication of health care projects, out sourcing of Covid test centers, over dependency on foreign vaccines, scarcity of test kits and drugs, Covid - test racketeering, conflicting government reports and positions, violations and inability to enforce basic rules on the part of government officials, and the apparent non activity of the Covid -19 taskforce in some northern part of the country brings to bare the myth and reality of Covid -19 pandemic in Nigeria. These contending issues have been made worse with the consequent economic and political burden the country confronts in its response to the pandemic. Therefore, while not dismissing threats of the second wave of Covid - 19 pandemics, this study argues that the Nigerian government and supporting agencies needs to ensure transparency, moderate proactive and a high sense of uprightness in their fight against the spread and its attendant consequences. This should be followed by government's support for locally produced vaccines and citizens involvement via communal enlightenment and respect for basic Covid - 19 rules to reduce the its impact.

19.
Gender & Behaviour ; 19(1):17453-17466, 2021.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-1787024

ABSTRACT

Coronavirus is here to contend with as a new normal at the global level. The solution to the pandemic is what scientists, politicians, pundits and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are battling with little outcome. Many kinds of literature abound since the outbreak of the epidemic that those who are the main target of this are the ones with comorbidity ailments. The impacts of this contagious disease call for academic interrogation since what brings about this, majorly, is the lack of organic food in the age of genetically modified (GM) food imposed on us. The dictum, healthy profit and unhealthy people are here to stay as long as biotechnologists are after the profit of multinational corporations (MNCs) and to some extent, farmers '. It has been proved that organic food is an agent of anti-hidden hunger and by implication, a source of medicine as against taken medicine as food. This paper intends to adopt an agroecological thesis in the promotion of food security through food sovereignty that is home-made without reliance on importedfood that are sources of compromising immunity, which is a target of COVID19 as documented by some students of development studies, and food and nutrition security (FNS). Relying on secondary data and content analysis approach, a conclusion will be drawn that the COVID-19 vaccine is not only a ruse, but another means to subject developing areas to abject poverty through the importation of one-size-fits-all drugs for the pandemic. A need to promote healthy people as againstfocussing on healthy profit that benefits only MNCs executives and their shareholders against stakeholders in the food and pharmaceutical industries.

20.
Front Public Health ; 10: 801525, 2022.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-1775999

ABSTRACT

This is a study of Political Economy, Law & Economics, and Public Choice, applied to COVID-19 crisis management, and how the Spanish healthcare sector has operated under stressful conditions. Market and state failures are evaluated and some improvements are offered, according to the theories of Austrian Economics and New-Institutional Economics. At the macro level, the premise is the decentralization of the Spanish healthcare system a long time ago, to provide a better service to citizens, according to the idiosyncrasies of the Autonomous Communities (similar to federal states). The crisis has evidenced the failures of the Spanish system and its semi-federal model, without coordination to manage the trouble. Also, the General Government's recentralization attempt has failed too, proving Mises's theorem on the impossibility of economic calculation in intervened and coactive systems, with problems of shortages, lack of coordination, etc.; Buchanan-Tullock's theorem on the unfinished agenda of state interventionist and it suppression of private sector was also proven. At the micro level, health institutions (hospitals and health centers) have fallen into the paradox of media overexposure and the fake-news risk, because the more information they have tried to transmit, the more confusion they have caused, reducing the value of the supposed transparency and accountability, in addition to decreasing citizen wellbeing, giving way to a higher level of dissatisfaction and more risk of a syndemic. To perform the analysis of accountability and wellbeing perceived, this paper has used quantitative contrast techniques on secondary sources, such as the surveys of Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (part of the Public Sector) or Merco rankings (independent institution).


Subject(s)
COVID-19 , Health Care Sector , Austria , COVID-19/epidemiology , Delivery of Health Care , Humans , Social Responsibility
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