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1.
HemaSphere ; 7(Supplement 1):25, 2023.
Article in English | EMBASE | ID: covidwho-20239282

ABSTRACT

Background: According to national prevalence data, SCD has an estimated economic burden of $2.98 billion per year in the United States and caring for a child with sickle cell disease (SCD) carries its own financial burden, resulting in higher healthcare costs and unintended days lost from employment. Social experiences are known to impact health outcomes in the general pediatric population. These experiences can be examined through the construct of social determinants of health (SDOH), the "condition in which people are born, grow, work, live and age" that impact their health. Since the WHO has designated COVID-19 a pandemic in January 2020, many families in the US have suffered financially, and during the shutdowns, there was a record number of jobs lost. The objective of this study was to determine the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on financial and employment status of SCD Families Methods: This study was part of the larger CNH Sickle Cell Disease Social Determinants of Health study that was IRB approved. Caregivers of children with SCD completed a 30-question survey reporting their experiences with SDOH that included Demographics, USDA Food Security Scale, the We Care housing screening tool, and the validated COVID-19 Employment Status/COVID-19 related household finances survey in RedCap during clinic visits and hospitalizations Results: 99 caregivers of SCD patients responded to our survey (82.5% Female, 17.5% Male) (N=97). 93.9% identified as African-American, 3% identified as Hispanic or Latinx, 1% identified as "other". Of respondents, 66% were insured through on Medicaid and 33% had private insurance. Twenty-six percent endorsed food insecurity and 2724% relied on low-cost food. Thirty-one percent lived in an apartment, 67.768% lived in a home, 1% lived in shelter or transitional housing. Sixteen percent lived in subsidized or public housing. Thirty-seven (36.8%) percent reported at least once they were being unable to pay the mortgage or rent on time at least once, 9% (8.5%) reported living with other people because of financial difficulties, 55.2% reported their home not being heated, 7.2% reported being evicted from their home and 3.1% lived in an emergency shelter or transitional housing. 6.1% had an educational level of high school graduation or less, 42.2% were college graduates or completed additional post-graduate education (N=98). Two weeks prior to the pandemic, 61.5% worked full time, 13.5% worked part time, 6.3% were unemployed with only 2.1% working from home of the 96 caregivers who responded to this question. 15.5% (N=12 of 77) reported losing their job or were furloughed during the pandemic;34.4% (N=33 of 96) reporting at least one household member losing a job or a significant amount of income. Twenty-five percent (N=21 of 83) reported it was difficult to get work/school done because of the home environment. 36.4 % (N=35 of 96) reported household income was significantly less since February 2020. 53% (N=52 of 97) worried their household income has been or will be negatively impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic. Additionally, 48.9% (N=47 of 96) worried the value of their assets (housing, savings, other financial assets) has been or will be negatively impacted by COVID-19 and its effects. Since February 2020, 9.8% (N= 9 of 97) received unemployment insurance, 30.9% (N=29 of 94) received SNAP or food stamps, 16.5% (N= 15 of 91) received from the food pantry, 6.6% (N=6 of 90) applied for temp ass.

2.
National Tax Journal ; 2023.
Article in English | Web of Science | ID: covidwho-20235640

ABSTRACT

I estimate the share of eligible individuals who received unemployment insurance (UI) benefits during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic. I use individual data on reported recipiency from the Current Population Survey Annual Social and Economic Supplement (CPS-ASEC) survey to validate a UI eligibility algorithm that I then apply to the monthly CPS data. Combined with administrative data on actual payments and adjustments for fraud, I estimate that 88 percent of eligible individuals received UI benefits. When I calculate recipiency by program, I find 98 percent of individuals who were eligible for standard UI received benefits, whereas only 76 percent of individuals who were eligible for Pandemic Unemployment Assistance received benefits.

3.
Journal of Asian Public Policy ; 16(2):221-236, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2325669

ABSTRACT

The COVID-19 pandemic engenders unemployment risks globally and locally. Reflectively engaging in Beck's risk society debates, this paper critically reviews the discursive effects of „risks" when employed by the government in debates about unemployment insurance since the 1997 sovereignty handover. We break down the concept of risk into four layers: moral risk, financial risk, socio-economic risk and political risk and bring to light the contradictory outcomes that colour the nuanced attitudes among the state, the NGOs and the affected subjects.

4.
RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences ; 9(3):110-131, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2318493

ABSTRACT

The COVID-19 pandemic has been unprecedented in many ways, but perhaps no more so than in the sudden expansion of—and increase in—unemployment assistance benefits. We ask how precarious workers, many of whom were "hustling” for money or engaged in creative fields, feel about making more on unemployment. How are they using the funds? We draw on remote interviews and online surveys with 199 gig and precarious workers in New York City during the first wave of the pandemic. We find that workers are ambivalent about unemployment assistance and concerned that a financial influx today portends a shortage tomorrow. This "specter of the unknown” affected workers' use of their benefits. As a result, even though the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act was intended to mitigate the social and economic impact of the pandemic, these programs—despite being helpful—may have also contributed to precarious workers becoming even more certain of their insecurity.

5.
Urban Governance ; 2023.
Article in English | ScienceDirect | ID: covidwho-2317807

ABSTRACT

The COVID 19 pandemic continues to cause a lot of uncertainty around the world. At the onset of the pandemic, governments responded with policies and programs to curb its devastating effects on citizens, and Ghana was no exception. Although the Ghanaian government introduced various stop-gap measures to mitigate the effects of the pandemic, the inadequacies of the extant social welfare system was badly exposed. Consequently, as the pandemic seethed on, there were calls for reform of the existing social protection system and the introduction of new programs, especially for those in the informal sector. In response, the government introduced a new National Unemployment Insurance Scheme (NUIS). How did this happen? What led the government to accept tentatively the need to reform and transform the social welfare system after years of policy padding and the dragging of feet? Drawing on Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework, we argue that the pandemic created a policy window, which enabled policy enntrepreneurs to push the unemployment insurance idea to reform the existing social welfare system. The introduction of a NUIS, is seen as a paradigm shift in social protection and more broadly in social policy. The objective of this paper is to examine how the NUIS got on government's agenda, and whether the NUIS is a game changer in social protection in Ghana. We sourced information mainly from secondary sources.

6.
RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences ; 9(3):32-59, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2313075

ABSTRACT

The economic and public health crisis caused by COVID-19 was devastating and disproportionately hurt Blacks and Hispanics and some other groups. Unemployment rates and other measures of material hardship were higher and increased more during the crisis among Blacks and Hispanics than among non-Hispanic Whites. Congress authorized a historic policy response, incorporating both targeted and universal supports, and expanding both the level and duration of benefits. This response yielded the remarkable result of an estimated decline in the Supplemental Poverty Measure between 2019 and 2020. We study administrative data to investigate the impact of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) during the crisis. We find that participation in SNAP increased more in counties that experienced a larger employment shock. By contrast, the increase in total SNAP benefits was inversely related to the employment shock. The SNAP benefit increases were less generous to Black and Hispanic SNAP participants than to White.

7.
RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences ; 9(3):78-109, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2312962

ABSTRACT

To what extent did jobless Americans benefit from unemployment insurance (UI) during the COVID-19 pandemic? This article documents geographic disparities in access to UI during 2020. We leverage aggregated and individual-level claims data to perform an integrated analysis across four measures of access to UI. In addition to the traditional UI recipiency rate, we construct rates of application among the unemployed, rates of first payment among applicants, and exhaustion rates among paid claimants. Through correlations across California counties and across states, we show that areas with more disadvantaged residents had less access to UI during the pandemic. Although these disparities are large in magnitude, cross-state analysis suggests that policy can play a salient role in mitigating them.

8.
Ethnic and Racial Studies ; 46(5):832-853, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2284365

ABSTRACT

Minoritized racial groups in the U.S. have experienced disproportionately higher rates of COVID-19 cases and deaths. Studies have linked structural racism as a critical factor causing these disproportionate health burdens. We analyse the relationships between county-level COVID-19 cases and deaths and five measures of structural racism on Black Americans: Black–White residential segregation, differences in educational attainment, unemployment, incarceration rates, and health insurance coverage between Black and White Americans. When controlling for socioeconomic, demographic, health and behavioural factors significant relationships were found between all measures of structural racism with cases and/or deaths except Black–White differences in health insurance coverage. Black–White disparities in educational attainment and incarceration were the strongest predictors. The results varied greatly across regions of the U.S. We also found strong relationships between COVID-19 and mobility and the proportion of foreign-born non-citizens. This work supports the important need to confront structural racism on multiple fronts to address health disparities.

9.
Open Economies Review ; 34(1):113-153, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2274235

ABSTRACT

The debate about the use of fiscal instruments for macroeconomic stabilization has regained prominence in the aftermath of the Great Recession, and its relevance has suddenly increased further, after the recent Covid-19 shock. The analysis of fiscal stabilization in the United States, a monetary union equipped with a common fiscal capacity, has often informed the literature on the European EMU and could serve as a reference for its possible future reforms. This paper expands that literature in three ways: first, by measuring stabilization not only as inter-state risk-sharing of asymmetric shocks, but also as intertemporal stabilization of common shocks;second, by doing this for specific items in the US federal budget, both on the revenue and on the expenditure side;and third, by also measuring the impact of the federal system of unemployment benefits and of its extension as a response to the Great Recession. Corporate and personal income tax, on the revenue side, and social security benefits and federal grants, on the spending side, are the most effective items. The US federal system of unemployment insurance provides great stabilization in the event of a large shock, in particular when enhanced by the discretionary program of extended benefits. These findings imply that a proper design of the budget can maximize its stabilization effect, when it helps bridging the gap between higher mobility of capital and lower mobility of labor, by collecting revenues based on the income of the most mobile factor (corporate income tax) and providing support to the income of the least mobile factor (social security).

10.
Journal of Economic Studies ; 50(1):37-48, 2023.
Article in English | Scopus | ID: covidwho-2241418

ABSTRACT

Purpose: The US signed the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act in March 2020 to alleviate the harsh economic effects of the pandemic and related shutdowns. A substantial part of the bill expanded and increased unemployment insurance payments, where a growing area of research estimates strong anti-poverty effects. The authors examine the effect of these policies on crime. Design/methodology/approach: The authors use new event study and difference-in-differences techniques to estimate the effect of increasing unemployment insurance payments on property crime and violent crime. Then, the authors estimate the effect of expanded unemployment qualification programs on crime. The authors use a rich set of controls including unemployment, contemporaneous policies and mobile device tracking data to estimate the degree to which people stayed at home. Findings: They find that increasing unemployment insurance payments decreased crime by 20%, driven by a 24% decrease in property crime. The authors also find suggestive evidence that expanding unemployment qualifications decreases crime. Practical implications: The authors find a new and substantial benefit of expanded unemployment insurance beyond their antipoverty effects. Originality/value: To the authors' knowledge, this is the first study that directly examines the impact of the CARES Act on crime. © 2022, Emerald Publishing Limited.

11.
Policy & Politics ; 51(1):156-179, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2229127

ABSTRACT

Can experience with one set of policies result in support for a set of different, but related, policies? To show how this is possible, we develop a new dimension of policy feedback effects missing from prior studies – outcome distance. We then examine what we call a middle-distance outcome and apply this concept to the case of welfare attitudes in the United States. A novel counterfactual survey design is used to estimate the within-subject effects of experience with pandemic-related relief efforts (that is, stimulus checks, unemployment assistance) on attitudes towards broader welfare programmes like TANF, SNAP, SSI and Medicaid. The evidence suggests that attitudes towards broader welfare initiatives may have become more supportive as a result of the pandemic and associated policies, implying that specific policies and events can have feedback effects on outcomes that are some medium-distance away, such as other policies of a similar type. Future research ought to further explore this proposed dimension of feedback effects.

12.
J Econ Behav Organ ; 200: 1090-1104, 2022 Aug.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2234794

ABSTRACT

Did individuals' experiences with the harms of the COVID-19 pandemic influence their attitudes towards safety-net programs? To assess this question, we combine rich information about county-level impacts and individual-level perceptions of the early pandemic, repeated measurements of attitudes towards safety-net expansion, and pre-pandemic measurements of related political attitudes. Individuals facing higher county-level impact or greater perceived risks are more likely to support long-term expansions to unemployment insurance and government-provided healthcare when surveyed in June 2020. These differences persist across time, with experiences in the early months of the pandemic remaining strongly predictive of attitudes towards safety-net expansion in early 2021.

13.
Research in Labor Economics ; 50:327-367, 2023.
Article in English | Scopus | ID: covidwho-2213114

ABSTRACT

Employment rates fell dramatically between March and April 2020 as the initial shock of the COVID-19 pandemic reverberated through the US labor market. This paper uses data from the CPS Basic Monthly Files to document that the employment decline was particularly severe for immigrants. Historically, immigrant men are more likely to work than native men. The pandemic-related labor market shock eliminated the immigrant employment advantage. After this initial precipitous drop, however, the employment recovery through June 2021 was much stronger for immigrants, and particularly for undocumented immigrants. The steep drop in immigrant employment at the start of the pandemic occurred partly because immigrants were less likely to work in jobs that could be performed remotely and suffered disproportionate employment losses as only workers with remotable skills were able to continue working from home. The stronger employment recovery of undocumented immigrants, relative to that experienced by natives or legal immigrants, is mostly explained by the fact that undocumented workers were not eligible for the generous unemployment insurance (UI) benefits offered to workers during the pandemic. © 2023 by Emerald Publishing Limited.

14.
Journal of Economic Studies ; 50(1):37-48, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2191497

ABSTRACT

Purpose>The US signed the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act in March 2020 to alleviate the harsh economic effects of the pandemic and related shutdowns. A substantial part of the bill expanded and increased unemployment insurance payments, where a growing area of research estimates strong anti-poverty effects. The authors examine the effect of these policies on crime.Design/methodology/approach>The authors use new event study and difference-in-differences techniques to estimate the effect of increasing unemployment insurance payments on property crime and violent crime. Then, the authors estimate the effect of expanded unemployment qualification programs on crime. The authors use a rich set of controls including unemployment, contemporaneous policies and mobile device tracking data to estimate the degree to which people stayed at home.Findings>They find that increasing unemployment insurance payments decreased crime by 20%, driven by a 24% decrease in property crime. The authors also find suggestive evidence that expanding unemployment qualifications decreases crime.Practical implications>The authors find a new and substantial benefit of expanded unemployment insurance beyond their antipoverty effects.Originality/value>To the authors' knowledge, this is the first study that directly examines the impact of the CARES Act on crime.

15.
Journal of Economic Studies ; 50(1):1-2, 2023.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2191496

ABSTRACT

An assessment of the policies and a review of the heterogeneous impact provide information valuable for resource allocations, cross-country cooperation, economic recovery and development and inequalities and poverty reduction around the world. [...]the measures could not mitigate the initial income reduction and only had a temporary positive effect on consumption expenditure. [...]education disparities were observed between 25 and 50%.

16.
Review of Economic Studies ; 2022.
Article in English | Web of Science | ID: covidwho-2190277

ABSTRACT

Short-time work (STW) policies provide subsidies for hour reductions to workers in firms experiencing temporary shocks. They are the main policy tool used to support labour hoarding during downturns and were aggressively used during the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. Yet, very little is known about their employment and welfare consequences. This article leverages unique administrative social security data from Italy and quasi-experimental variation in STW policy rules to offer evidence on the effects of STW on firms' and workers' outcomes during the Great Recession. Our results show large and significant negative effects of STW treatment on hours, but large and positive effects on headcount employment. We then analyse whether these positive employment effects are welfare enhancing, distinguishing between temporary and more persistent shocks. We first provide evidence that liquidity constraints and rigidities in wages and hours may make labour hoarding inefficiently low without STW. Then, we show that adverse selection of low productivity firms into STW reduces the long-run insurance value of the program and creates significant negative reallocation effects when the shock is persistent.

17.
International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations ; 38(4):487-504, 2022.
Article in English | Scopus | ID: covidwho-2170198

ABSTRACT

In the acute phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, Korea was considered a successful case of containment of infection. However, the employment protection response has not been as successful as the health response. Although the Korean Government has taken unprecedented fiscal measures, the hardest-hit groups including workers in non-standard employment are still least protected. The pandemic has found countries with widespread precarious employment at their most vulnerable. Since the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the Government has promoted the deregulation of capital and the flexibilization of labour, with precarious work becoming ‘normal'. COVID-19 shows that workers excluded from labour protection before the crisis are the most vulnerable in the current crisis. Dependent contractors are not protected from termination of contract or loss of income, while employees in a comparable situation may be supported by job retention schemes and unemployment benefits. This means employers using dependent contractors can avoid employer liability in a normal situation as well as in times of crisis. While the Government attempts to expand unemployment insurance to certain groups of dependent contractors, debates over who should bear the financial burden are underway. Employers refuse to contribute to unemployment insurance for dependent contractors, arguing that they are not the employers of these workers. This article analyses how flexibilization in Korea has affected vulnerability and the segmentation of labour protection. It argues that the ‘protection gap' among workers resulted from political choices and the strategy of capital to transfer cost-and-risks onto workers and society as a whole. These pre-pandemic political choices undermine the chances of a fair recovery. This article argues that establishing employer responsibility is essential for a humancentred recovery. © 2022 Kluwer Law International BV, The Netherlands

18.
Jing Ji Lun Wen Cong Kan ; 50(4):365-370, 2022.
Article in Chinese | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2168561

ABSTRACT

Unemployment insurance (UI) protects individuals from the risk of earnings loss during unemployment (i.e. insurance value), but it also distorts incentives to search for jobs (i.e. moral hazard). During a recession (e.g. the recent COVID-19 pandemic), extending UI benefits is one major policy tool that can be used to protect workers against adverse shocks. Although the duration of benefits as opposed to benefit levels is at the center of UI policy debates, most existing studies focus on the welfare effect of changing the UI benefit level. Empirical evidence regarding the value and welfare impacts of extending UI benefits (e.g. increase the potential duration of UI) is still scant. On the other hand, to reduce the moral hazard effect of UI, some countries have offered re-employment bonuses as financial incentives to workers who find jobs quickly. In fact, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S. government has considered implementing a re-employment bonus (i.e. a back-to-work bonus), to reduce the financial burden on the UI system and get people to rejoin the workforce. While the disincentive effect of UI, measured by the elasticity of non-employment duration to UI benefits, has been estimated across a wide variety of UI contexts, the incentive effects of re-employment bonuses are less studied and still largely rely on early U.S. bonus experiments. In this paper, we contribute to the current literature by examining the above under-studied issues. In the first part of the paper, we exploit two significant UI reforms in Taiwan, in order to investigate how workers' search efforts respond to income transfer when re-employed and unemployed. In 2003, the Taiwanese government introduced re-employment bonuses whereby people would be paid 50% of their remaining UI benefits after regaining employment. The re-employment bonus program reached back to UI recipients receiving benefits when the program took effect in 2003. Therefore, it resulted in two kinks in the offer for which workers were eligible as a function of the dates the UI spells started. Thus, we use a regression kink (RK) design herein to examine the effects of the re-employment bonus. On the other hand, after 2009, workers who lost their jobs when aged 45 or over became eligible for 9 months of UI benefits instead of the 6 months offered to those under 45. We use a regression discontinuity (RD) design to examine the effects of extended UI benefits, by comparing the outcomes of individuals just before and just after being 45 years old at the point of being laid off. Our estimates using the RK design show that the provision of a reemployment bonus increases the monthly re-employment hazard by about 2 percentage points and significantly reduces benefits duration and nonemployment duration by 6% to 9%. Moreover, we find that faster reemployment does not significantly affect the quality of a job match, such as post-unemployment wage and job tenure. Second, our RD estimates suggest that a three-month increase in potential benefit duration reduces middle-aged UI recipients' monthly re-employment hazard by 3 percentage points. The implied elasticity of non-employment duration (UI benefit duration) with respect to potential benefit duration is 0.27 (0.78). However, being eligible for longer potential benefit duration has little impact on job match quality. In the second part of the paper, we integrate our reduced-form estimates with a search model to conduct welfare analysis. First, we investigate the behavioral costs of one NTD spending on the two policies. On the one hand, we find that the provision of re-employment bonus can induce the behavioral response (i.e. shortening spells of insured unemployment) that leads to a positive fiscal externality. The behavioral cost of one NTD of initial spending on the re-employment bonuses is −0.61 — the behavioral response to one NTD of re-employment bonus enhances the government budget by 0.61 NTD so that only 0.39 NTD have to be raised to finance one NTD of re-employment bonus. On the other hand, our estimates suggest that ex end ng UI benefits result in a negative fiscal externality. The behavioral cost of one NTD of spending on increasing potential benefit duration is 0.07, which is at the lower end of previous research. Second, we exploit the two sources of income variation—re-employment bonuses and extended UI benefits — to estimate the value of UI extension. The value of UI is fully captured by the marginal rate of substitution between consumption when unemployed and employed (MRS), because the MRS describes how much consumption workers are willing to give up when employed, in order to increase one NTD of consumption when unemployed. Since workers' responses in re-employment hazard depend on their marginal utilities of consumption, the differential responses in the reemployment hazard to extended benefits and re-employment bonuses help us identify the MRS. An important issue we must address before estimating theMRS is that Taiwan's UI extension increases not only the potential benefit duration, but also the qualification period for re-employment bonuses— the UI extension increases workers' income not only when unemployed, but also when employed. To recover the effect of a pure unemployment transfer, we decompose the effect of the UI extension on the re-employment hazard into two effects: (1) the effect of an unemployment transfer and (2) the effect of a re-employment transfer. Our estimates suggest that the marginal value of an unemployment transfer during an extended benefit period is about two times larger than that of a re-employment transfer, i.e. an MRS around 1.5 to 2.5. Combining the estimated value of extended benefits with its behavioral cost, the marginal value of public fund (MVPF) of extending UI benefits is about 1.3 to 2;thus, a welfare gain of one NTD spending on extending potential benefit duration is about 1.3 to 2 NTD.

19.
J Hous Built Environ ; : 1-31, 2023 Jan 05.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2174633

ABSTRACT

This article describes racial and ethnic differences in mortgage payment difficulties during the COVID-19 pandemic and examines whether disparities exist in the benefits of the unemployment insurance (UI) program. The sample consisted of 80,797 jobless mortgage borrowers who received or waited for UI benefits between August 2020 and May 2022. Considering individual- and state-level variables in multilevel logistic regressions, we examined rates of mortgage delay in the last month and payment concerns about the next month by racial and ethnic group. Minority borrowers were more likely to have a difficulty in paying mortgage than White borrowers. UI recipients-regardless of race and ethnicity-were less likely to experience mortgage difficulties, but the positive unemployment benefit was reduced disproportionately among Blacks. Blacks were also at a higher risk of mortgage difficulties compounded by other pandemic-induced hardships-loss of household, lack of food, and mental illness-even after the receipt of UI. Findings on the intersection between race and ethnicity and UI suggest that pandemic policy interventions should be race conscious and consider the longstanding and systematic barriers experienced by minority mortgage borrowers. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s10901-022-10006-w.

20.
Mali Cözüm Dergisi ; 32:229-252, 2022.
Article in Turkish | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2125049

ABSTRACT

Dünyada 19.yy sonu, 20.yy başı itibariyle uygulanmaya başlayan işsizlik sigortasının ülkemizde kurulması ise 20.yy sonunda, 1999 yılında gerçekleşmiştir. Íşsizlik sigortası, Uluslararası Çalışma Örgütü'nün (ILO) kabul ettiǧi 9 temel sosyal güvenlik riskinden biri olan işsizliǧin olumsuz sonuçlarını azaltmayı hedefler. Kendi kusuru ve iradesi dışında işsiz kalan kişilerin faydalanabildiǧi işsizlik sigortası, işsizliǧin ortaya çıkardıǧı sorunlarla mücadele etmeye çalışan pasif istihdam politikalarındandır. Pasif istihdam politikası olan işsizlik sigortası, aynı zamanda işsizliǧi azaltmayı hedefleyen aktif istihdam politikalarıyla birlikte deǧerlendirilmektedir. Çalışmamızın amacı işsizlik sigortasının sosyal güvenlik hukukundaki yerini tartışmak ve güncel sorunlarına deǧinmektir. Bu kapsamda işsizlik sigortasının hem dünyadaki hem ülkemizdeki tarihçesi anlatıldıktan sonra sosyal güvenlik hukukunda işsizlik sigortasının yeri ile ilgili mevzuata dayalı açıklamalar yapılmıştır. Yapılan bu mevzuat açıklamalarında işsizlik ödeneǧine başvuru, ödenekten yararlanma şartları, işsizlik ödeneǧine hak kazanan kişilere sunulan hizmetler, işsizlik ödeneǧinin kesildiǧi haller, işe iade davası sonucunun işsizlik ödeneǧine etkisi gibi konulara deǧinilmiştir. Elde edilen bulgulara göre işsizlik ödeneǧine hak kazanmada işveren bildiriminin esas alınmasının maǧduriyetler yarattıǧı, işsiz kesimin çok küçük bir bölümünün işsizlik sigortasından faydalandıǧı, işsizlerin işsizlik sigortasına erişiminin mevzuattaki şartlardan dolayı oldukça kısıtlı olduǧu ve işsizlik fonunun amacından saptırılarak işverenlere destek aracına dönüştürüldüǧü gözlemlenmiştir. Tüm bu deǧerlendirmeler sonucunda işsiz kişilerin işsizlik sigortasından faydalanmasını kolaylaştıracak düzenlemelerin yapılmasının ve işsizlik fonunun "işveren destek fonuna" dönüştürülmemesi gerektiǧinin altı çizilecektir.Alternate :Unemployment insurance, which started to be implemented in the world at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, was established in our country at the end ofthe 20th century, in 1999. Unemployment insurance aims to reduce the negative consequences of unemployment, which is one of the 9 basic social security risks accepted by the International Labor Organization (ILO). Unemployment insurance, which can be used by people who are unemployed through their own fault and will, is one of the passive employment policies that try to fight the problems caused by unemployment. Unemployment insurance, which is a passive employment policy, is also evaluated together with active employment policies that aim to reduce unemployment. The aim of our study is to discuss the place of unemployment insurance in social security law and to address its current problems. In this context, after explaining the history of unemployment insurance both in the world and in our country, explanations based on the legislation regarding the place of unemployment insurance in social security law were made. In these legislative explanations, issues such as the application for unemployment benefits, the conditions for benefiting from the benefit, the services provided to the people who are entitled to unemployment benefits, the cases where the unemployment benefit is cut off, the effect of the result of the reemployment lawsuit on the unemployment benefit are mentioned. According to the findings, it has been observed that taking the employer's notification as the basis for entitlement to unemployment benefits creates grievances, a very small part of the unemployed people benefit from unemployment insurance, the access of the unemployed to unemployment insurance is very limited due to the conditions in the legislation, and the unemployment fund has been diverted from its purpose and turned into a support tool for employers. As a result of all these evaluations, it will be underlined that arrangements should be made to make it easier for the unemployed to benefit from unemployment insurance and that the unemployment fund should not be transformed into an "employer support fund".

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