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1.
Critical Studies on Terrorism ; JOUR: 1-16,
Article in English | Web of Science | ID: covidwho-2107138

ABSTRACT

The 6 January 2021 events must be analysed within a broader context than the phenomenon of Trumpism. The attempted coup that brought together (former) members of the military, White supremacist organisations, and regular citizens has a rich genealogy. We trace this genealogy to the events of 11 September 2001 and the homeland security state built in their wake, even as its reach extends further into U.S. history. Post-9/11 discourse became a mechanism for seeking and interpreting perceived threats to the United States and its citizens. Through it, immigration, disease, and White supremacy became intertwined. Perceptions of infectious and biological threats became racialised. With the emergence of the novel coronavirus, President Trump enacted travel bans and routinely referred to the virus as the "Wuhan virus" or "Chinese virus." Hate crimes against Asians and Asian Americans followed, as this language reinvigorated Orientalist histories. We examine rhetoric about disease over the past twenty years, particularly as it has reinforced militarism and White supremacy, all against the backdrop of 9/11. State constructions of 9/11 and 9/11 memory inform and explain our recent and contemporary terrain.

2.
Journal of Pure and Applied Microbiology ; JOUR
Article in English | Web of Science | ID: covidwho-2100698

ABSTRACT

Every country had to make several difficult decisions in the initial phase of the Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic to allocate resources for COVID testing. Decisions on who should be tested for COVID-19 testing are extremely vital for pandemic preparedness. In this article, we highlight the need for prioritization of testing resources including direct-to-consumer testing methods, ethical dilemmas involved in obligatory testing, and testing of refugees and immigrants.

3.
Journal of Canadian Studies ; JOUR
Article in English | Web of Science | ID: covidwho-2099058

ABSTRACT

During the COVID-19 pandemic, Canada has witnessed a sharp increase in racial violence against Chinese Canadians, and, in an undifferentiated racism, other Asian Canadians have been seen as bearers of disease as well, which often made them targets of racism. The quick transformation of Asian minority groups into threats of contagion during the pandemic points to the persistence of latent fears and anxieties about Chinese Canadians across generational differences, immigration status, and national origin. This essay reflects on how knowledges about early Chinese newcomers that were generated by colonial administrators laid the foundations for modes of racial governance that continue to inform public policy and public discourse in multicultural Canada in ways at once familiar and new. It examines the 1885 Report of the Royal Commission on Chinese Immigration as an important tool in reinforcing the political goal of "white Canada" by strengthening the power of European colonists. Less than a century later, in 1967, the immigration points system was introduced, preceding the adoption of multiculturalism policy in 1971, both breaking with explicitly racist national policies. Yet there is more continuity than there are differences across the 1885 Report and the 1967 immigration policy. Both participate in a historical narrative that excludes the Chinese from national imagining, laying fertile ground for contemporary anti-Chinese racisms during the recent COVID-19 pandemic. Contemporary media narratives during the pandemic reproduce the same racial hierarchies, excluding Chinese Canadians from the nation. By placing the rise in anti-Asian racism during the COVID-19 pandemic in the long historical trajectory of institutional racism in Canada, this essay argues for the need to learn about the historical legacies of racism to be able to intervene in structural racism so that Canada's promise of multiculturalism can be grounded in justice and equity.

4.
International Journal of Bilingualism ; JOUR
Article in English | Web of Science | ID: covidwho-2082891

ABSTRACT

Aims and objectives/purpose/research questions: Very little is known to date about the long-term dynamics of balancing home and dominant languages by adult immigrants. Russian-speaking immigrants in Canada remain an underrepresented group with no available studies of their language development. To address these gaps, this article describes a linguistic journey experienced by Russian-speaking immigrants in Canada as they adapt to the life in the host country. The major objective of the study is to examine the importance of learning the host country's majority languages (English and French) vis-a-vis maintenance of the home language as seen by the participants in the beginning and after a few years of immigration. Design/methodology/approach: The article reports the results of a mixed-methods study involving an online survey and written narratives about language dynamics in immigration. Data and analysis: One hundred Russian-speaking immigrants from nine countries residing in seven Canadian provinces participated in the study. The analysis involves quantitative comparisons of responses involving correlation and chi-square tests as well as qualitative descriptions of the participants' linguistic experiences. Findings/conclusions: The results indicate that over the time since immigration, the importance of the English language learning decreases, and the importance of Russian language maintenance increases for the participants, whereas the salience of acquiring French remains unchanged. Originality: The new finding is the trajectory of the relationship between the participants' interest in the home language and culture maintenance and host languages and cultures learning over the years of immigration. Significance/implications: These results align with the authors' linguistic equilibrium hypothesis of language dynamics in immigration. The implications of the study involve long-term support of linguacultural needs of immigrant communities. Limitations: The research conducted during COVID-19 was limited in methods and would benefit from in-person interviews in future. Expanding the project to other immigrant groups for comparison is another direction for future research.

5.
International Migration ; JOUR
Article in English | Web of Science | ID: covidwho-2082459

ABSTRACT

The reception of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers in camps has become a common phenomenon in Europe, discursively linked to the historical 'crisis' of mass movements towards the region. Camps and irregularity are two key issues in understanding the special impact that the COVID-19 pandemic has had on migrants and refugees. This article explores connections between the 'campization' of migrant and refugee reception and the current debates for and against migrant regularization in response to the COVID-19 pandemic in Southern Europe (Spain and Italy). The analysis uses qualitative methodology based on multi-site ethnographic fieldwork (pre-COVID-19 pandemic);informal remote interviews with migrants and refugees;and analysis of political, media and legislative discourses.

6.
SSRN;
Preprint in English | SSRN | ID: ppcovidwho-346154

ABSTRACT

Twitter has become a tool for people to trigger a social change, like what is happening right now during COVID-19 outbreaks. Most people are using social media platforms to express their perspectives. For the first time, this research aimed to analyze the pattern of a social movement that happened during COVID-19 Outbreaks by analyzing the Twitter dataset contains 23,476 tweets worldwide with the #COVID19 hashtag which was obtained from 02 March to 09 April 2020. Social Network Analysis tools are used to understand the pattern of movement. This research concluded that if the Government and Mainstream Media Twitter account triggered the conversation in the social media platform, followed by the activists and celebrities who engage in conversation between their followers, an ordinary person spread the point of view of the Government and Mainstream Media across their conversation network. The COVID-19 hashtag successfully engaged 10 protest clusters, which pushed the people to fight against COVID-19 in their countries, mostly targeting the government-related account. The digital social movement pattern is relatively different from the traditional social movement, even it has the same steps, which emerge, coalesce, bureaucratise, and the movement itself, but it takes place in the Digital Public Sphere without any social or political boundaries. The digital social movement forced the government to implement a better policy to fight the COVID-19 Pandemic, including to close the national border to prevent unnecessary effects of International Migration.

7.
J Integr Complement Med ; 28(10): 821-829, 2022 Oct.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2077568

ABSTRACT

Objective: A few mindfulness-based interventions have been developed for Latina immigrant populations. We describe the feasibility and acceptability of Amigas Latinas Motivando el Alma (ALMA), a culturally grounded intervention developed to prevent and reduce depression and anxiety among Latina immigrants. We also compare participation in the intervention in-person with an online adaptation developed in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Methods: ALMA was developed through several years of formative research in collaboration with community organizations serving Latino immigrants. The curriculum integrates mindfulness-based approaches with Latino cultural strengths to reduce stress, enhance coping strategies, and increase social support. Latina immigrant women who spoke Spanish were recruited from Latino serving organizations to participate in an intervention trial. The program consisted of eight sessions offered weekly in person to groups of ∼20 Latina immigrants. After the onset of the pandemic, the program was adapted to be delivered online via zoom. Attendance and fidelity were monitored by intervention staff, and a satisfaction survey was given to participants post-intervention. Results: We enrolled 226 Latina immigrant women with an average age of 40 years and an average of 15.0 years living in the United States. The majority of participants were monolingual Spanish speakers (59%) with a high school degree (66%), although almost half were living on less than $2,200 per month (48%). One hundred and seven (47%) attended the program in-person, and 119 (53%) participated online. Program attendance was similar across modalities, with an average of 58% sessions completed among in-person and 60% among online participants. Participant satisfaction and perceived efficacy of the intervention were high in both in-person and online groups. Discussion: Our findings indicate that the ALMA intervention is acceptable and feasible in this population. Future research should assess the efficacy of mindfulness-based interventions in Latina immigrant populations, including both in-person and online modalities. CTR# NCT03749278.


Subject(s)
COVID-19 , Emigrants and Immigrants , Adult , Female , Humans , Hispanic or Latino , Mental Health , Pandemics/prevention & control , United States
8.
Politics & Policy ; : 1, 2022.
Article in English | Academic Search Complete | ID: covidwho-2063917

ABSTRACT

Related Articles In recent years, the EU's ability to mobilize European citizens in its favor and counteract such phenomena as nationalism, populism, and “sovereignism” has significantly decreased. Consequently, the suggestion has been made that the EU's social dimension should be enhanced and its citizenship be made more salient in that regard. Such a suggestion has become even more topical after the COVID‐19 outbreak and the strain it has placed on the health‐care systems and economies of EU member states. Starting from a debate which addresses that suggestion, in this article I argue that, before attempting to enhance its social dimension, the EU should first try to strengthen its still weak political foundations in order to cope with its predicament. The article also shows that this move would be consistent with the rationale behind the European integration process, where economic issues were originally regarded as only means to achieve an ever‐closer political union.Barrault‐Stella, Lorenzo, and Thomas Douniès. 2021. “Introduction to the Special Issue: Citizenship as a Tool of Government in Europe.” Politics & Policy 49(4): 824–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12423.Ewert, Benjamin. 2021. “Citizenship as a Form of Anticipatory Obedience? Implications of Preventive Health Policy in Germany.” Politics & Policy 49(4): 891–912. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12421.McBeth, Mark K., Donna L. Lybecker, and Kacee A. Garner. 2010. “The Story of Good Citizenship: Framing Public Policy in the Context of Duty‐Based versus Engaged Citizenship.” Politics & Policy 38(1): 1–23. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00226.x. (English) [ FROM AUTHOR] Mejorar la solidaridad entre los europeos: hacia una reevaluación política de la UE y su ciudadanía En los últimos años, la capacidad de la UE para movilizar a los ciudadanos europeos a su favor y contrarrestar fenómenos como el nacionalismo, el populismo y el “soberanismo” ha disminuido significativamente. En consecuencia, se ha sugerido que se mejore la dimensión social de la UE y que su ciudadanía se haga más prominente en ese sentido. Tal sugerencia se ha vuelto aún más actual después del brote de COVID‐19 y la presión que ha ejercido sobre los sistemas de salud y las economías de los estados miembros de la UE. Partiendo de un debate que aborda esa sugerencia, en este artículo sostengo que antes de intentar mejorar su dimensión social, la UE primero debería tratar de fortalecer sus bases políticas aún débiles para hacer frente a su predicamento. El artículo también muestra que esta medida sería coherente con la lógica detrás del proceso de integración europea, donde los asuntos económicos se consideraron originalmente como el único medio para lograr una unión política cada vez más estrecha. (Spanish) [ FROM AUTHOR] 加强欧洲人之间的团结:对欧盟及其公民身份进行政治重估 近年来,欧盟在动员欧洲公民的支持,并抵制民族主义、民粹主义和“主权主义”等现象方面的能力明显下降。因此,有人建议加强欧盟的社会维度,并在这方面使其公民身份更加突出。在新冠疫情爆发及其对欧盟成员国的医疗保健系统和经济造成压力之后,这样的建议变得更加热门。以针对该建议的辩论为出发点,我论证认为,在试图增强其社会维度之前,欧盟应首先尝试加强其仍然薄弱的政治基础,以应对其困境。本文还表明,这一举措与欧洲一体化进程背后的基本原理是一致的,在欧洲一体化进程中,经济问题最初被视为实现更紧密的政治联盟的唯一手段。 (Chinese) [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Politics & Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

9.
Gesundheitswesen, Supplement ; 84(8-9):820, 2022.
Article in English | EMBASE | ID: covidwho-2062341

ABSTRACT

Einleitung The EU project SonarGlobal was conducted in five countries, including Germany, to reveal contributing factors to vulnerability and resilience in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. The data obtained in Munich indicated that the characteristics of the city and its suburban districts are crucial determinants of vulnerability. This study questions the aspects of environment, housing, tolerance, and inclusion of the Munich metropolitan area to explore the mechanisms that increase vulnerabilities or resilience during the pandemic. Methoden In this qualitative study, in-depth interviews were performed with 82 people living in Munich and its suburban districts and who were faced with at least one mechanism that has the potential to create a biological or social disadvantage, such as age, gender, disability, health problems, occupation, or immigration status. We also interviewed 19 experts and community representatives on specific vulnerability and resilience mechanisms. Living conditions were questioned according to the physical and social environment, housing, stigma, discrimination, and support for inclusion. After the first round of coding, subcodes were created and the second round of coding was done as. This was followed by developing categories covering challenges and resilience factors. Ergebnisse 29 participants were from rural districts surrounding Munich while 53 were living inside urban districts. They originated from 22 different countries. Nine challenges (1. Common places for socialization and inclusion being closed;2. Interruption of organized support for inclusion;3. Isolation in over-centralized institutions and shelters;4. Limited access to IT technology;5. Limited solidarity between neighbours;6. Worsened housing conditions;7. Housing insecurity;8. Increased racism;9. Discrimination and stigma regarding adherence to COVID-19 rules) and four resilience factors (1. Being close to green places;2. Having outdoor spaces at home;3. Solidarity initiatives and strong relationships in neighbourhoods;4. Alternative means for organized support) were determined. For international students, refugees, seasonal workers and other immigrants, the challenges were more intense, while they reported the only significant resilience factor as being close to nature. The alternative support ways developed by the organizations could not be strong in the face of challenges. Stigma towards the disabled, immigrants and Muslims has increased, against which a significant resilience factor did not develop. In rural districts, challenges played a minor role while resilience factors were more effective. Schlussfolgerung The COVID-19 pandemic has deepened the inequalities in people living in the metropolitan area of Munich and with a greater extent in people living in the urban district in terms of environment and housing, reduced the tolerance towards and inclusion of the most disadvantaged segments of society, and aggravated discrimination.

10.
Cardiology in the Young ; 32(Supplement 2):S55, 2022.
Article in English | EMBASE | ID: covidwho-2062118

ABSTRACT

Background and Aim: World-wide, Kawasaki disease (KD) is known to affect predominantly children under the age of 5, mostly boys. An increasing incidence has been reported from select countries, as well as seasonal differences, although with great variation among reports. Sweden has unique population-based health registers which can be linked to population registers via a personal number. In this study we therefore utilized population-based data over a period of more than 30 years to investigate demographics and epi-demiology of Kawasaki disease in a Scandinavian country. Method(s): Individuals receiving a diagnosis of Kawasaki disease in Sweden from 1987-2018 (before the occurrence of MIS-C) were identified by ICD9 and ICD10 discharge diagnoses in the Patient register at the National Board of Health and Welfare, and basic demographic information obtained by cross-linking with popula-tion registers at Statistics Sweden. Age-stratified population statis-tics were also retrieved during the corresponding time-period. Result(s): A total of 1,785 individuals with a KD diagnosis during the study period were identified, confirming a relatively low incidence in the Scandinavian population. Less than 5% of the cases were born in another country. The majority of cases (78%) occurred before 5 years of age, and there was a male dominance (61%). Sweden has a temperate climate of the northern hemisphere, and analysis of case distribution over the yearly cycle revealed peak incidence during the winter months. Notably, the incidence rose from around 6/100,000 lt;5-year-olds to 15/100,000 lt;5-year-olds during the 30-year study period. Two years with prominently higher incidence than prior and following years were observed. A large part of the rise in incidence seems to be associated with immigration and occurred before the occurrence of Multisystem Inflammatory Syndrome in Children related to SARS-CoV-2. Conclusion(s): Demographic parameters for Kawasaki disease in Sweden regarding age and sex distribution are similar to previous reports from other countries. Our data from a 30-year study period of population-based observations confirm peak incidence during the cold period, and a rising incidence during recent years, even before the occurrence of MIS-C. Our data also indicate outbursts during two years and immigration-associated patterns in rise in incidence.

11.
SSRN; 2021.
Preprint in English | SSRN | ID: ppcovidwho-344340

ABSTRACT

This presentation describes our approach of the relationship between the citizens and society, the governance, and the state from a comparative analysis perspective over the roles played by the governance and the state in the making of a society which is prone to internal conflict. In the classic rational choice theory, policy making has been basically defined as based on the citizens' reaction to public policy. While the classic approach starts from the strong hypothesis of social learning and social representations as the basis for policy making, and the measurement of the policy’s effectiveness and citizens’ responsiveness to governance issues, ou rapproach suggests that political culture should be considered along with the social learning when evaluating the satisfaction / non-satisfaction of citizens with public policy. The results and the conclusions drawn in this paper are based on three case studies, (i) COVID-19 global pandemics, (ii) diaspora protests in Romania, and (iii) migration and immigrant integration models in Europe. The empirical research provides support to the idea that policy making has deep conflict-generative mechanisms which make societies open to internal conflict. Our approach aims to prove that both social reactivity-based policy design and political culture-based design should be considered in revealing the proneness of societies and polities to internal conflict. While the traditional economy-based modelling and the (implicit or explicit) influences of the rational choice theory have consolidated the approaches oriented towards utility-based measurement of the citizens’ satisfaction with policy and the degree of support for the Government, our approach aims at introducing a more complex approach to the quantitative evaluation of the degree and/or status of satisfaction with policy and governance effectiveness: this approach aims at providing support to the idea that both policy effectiveness (welfare-based) and political culture (value-based) should be taken into consideration. Moreover, the political culture backgrounds, legacies and practices could provide for better explanation than policy effectiveness alone to the proneness to internal conflict of a society and polity.

12.
Journal on Migration and Human Security ; 10(3):173-189, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2053827

ABSTRACT

For decades, governments have sought to deter migration by investing in the development of migrant-sending communities, despite macroeconomic data that shows that development can increase emigration. However, emerging research suggests that well-designed aid can promote rootedness in home communities. The US Agency for International Development (USAID) has increasingly attempted to use development to deter migration from the Northern Triangle states of Central America. Is this policy sound?This paper argues that development should not be instrumentalized to discourage people from migrating. It examines migration and development policies from the lens of Catholic social teaching, which recognizes the need for states to respect the agency of individuals. This is particularly important when it comes to complex and consequential decisions like whether to migrate. The Catholic Church recognizes both a right to migrate, when necessary, and the responsibility of states, particularly wealthy nations, to help people realize the right not to migrate;that is, to thrive in their home communities. The paper argues for US government assistance to alleviate poverty and invest in human capital in Central America, but independently of efforts to deter migration. Prioritizing aid to potential migrants risks reducing its effectiveness. The United States should instead pursue a whole-of-government strategy that emphasizes the right relationships with aid recipients, and that prioritizes and empowers the poor and marginalized. The paper is strongly influenced by the author's 15 years of work for Catholic agencies on migration and development, more than one-half of those with Catholic Relief Services.

13.
Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B: The Sciences and Engineering ; 83(11-B):No Pagination Specified, 2022.
Article in English | APA PsycInfo | ID: covidwho-2047131

ABSTRACT

Immigration control is an issue that figures prominently in public policy discussions and election campaigns throughout the world. Immigrants can be perceived as posing both realistic and symbolic threats to the host society. During the current global pandemic, these threats are amplified. This research investigated how attitudes towards immigrants were likely to be more negative when the impact of the pandemic was made salient. Based on intergroup threat theory (Rios et al., 2018) and uncertainty identity theory (Hogg, 2021a), two empirical studies investigated the effect of realistic and symbolic threats from the COVID-19 pandemic on people's attitudes towards immigrants. Study 1 (N =303) tested if priming pandemic induced symbolic threats increased social identity uncertainty and found that pandemic-related symbolic but not realistic threats increased social identity uncertainty. Study 2 (N =363) again primed the two types of threat induced by the pandemic, measured their effects on attitudes towards immigrants, and examined if the effects could be explained by social identity uncertainty and collective angst. Results showed that people who perceived more COVID-19 related symbolic threat than COVID-19 related realistic threat experienced more COVID-19 related national identity uncertainty and collective angst, which predicted less positive attitudes towards immigrants. People who perceived more COVID-19 related realistic threat than COVID-19 related symbolic threat experienced less COVID-19 specific national identity uncertainty and collective angst, which predicted their more positive attitudes towards immigrants. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)

14.
The Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine ; 95(2):257-263, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2046356

ABSTRACT

While vaccine hesitancy is well documented in the literature among the Latinx community, little attention or effort is given to the nuances among the members of individual communities, such as country of origin, immigration status, generational status, primary language, race, age, sex, gender, or rural residence and how these complexities affect vaccine messaging and uptake. We have evidence that this heterogeneity causes differences in access to healthcare, attitudes towards vaccines, and degree of health disparities. In this review we will describe their impact on vaccination rates in the Latinx community, highlighting missed opportunities for public health outreach, and how targeted messaging could improve vaccine uptake.

15.
Dissertation Abstracts International Section A: Humanities and Social Sciences ; 83(11-A):No Pagination Specified, 2022.
Article in English | APA PsycInfo | ID: covidwho-2046205

ABSTRACT

Labor shortages in blue-collar occupations have become a significant challenge for firms throughout the United States. Naturally, as employers seek to address those shortages, one of the solutions has been the recruitment of immigrant workers. Multiple languages, mores and cultures within the diverse workforces present unique challenges within workplace cultures. Research suggests that intergroup contact between distinct groups, such as racial or ethnic groups, when certain conditions are in place, can have a positive impact on relationships between members of those groups. Additionally, diverse workplace management studies identify management practices that may enhance diverse workforce outcomes. This qualitative grounded theory study explores the question: How do blue-collar workers, both immigrant and U.S.-born working alongside one another, experience their workplace culture? It consists of responses from 15 participants to semi-structured interviews conducted via electronic communications technology (due to COVID-19 restrictions limiting direct researcher/participant contact). The study took place between the months of June and October of 2022. A new theory, the inverse contact outcome theory, was generated. The theory states that, contrary to what might be expected in diverse blue-collar workplaces, a) positive contact outcomes such as reduction of prejudice and conflict may result among same status blue-collar workers from diverse backgrounds despite the lack of institutionally supportive conditions whereas b) negative contact outcomes of prejudice and conflict may not be mitigated among same status blue-collar workers from diverse backgrounds despite the presence of institutionally supportive conditions. The study also revealed that diverse workforce management approaches that include customized socialization, enhanced communication, and status-based hierarchy mitigation, are essential to positive diverse workforce management practice. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved)

16.
Human Organization ; 81(3):229-239, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2046146

ABSTRACT

The COVID-19 pandemic posed challenges to a community-based participatory research (CBPR) project for rural-dwelling adults with cancer in eastern North Carolina. This project trained Latino community leaders as palliative care lay advisors (PCLAs) to deliver information on cancer symptom management and advance care planning (ACP). Pandemic impacts were assessed using data from team meetings and fieldnotes, journal memos, online booster sessions, participant encounter forms and digital correspondence. Three key results were: 1) the disproportionate effects of COVID -19 on PCLAs and their communities;2) the need for a major study redesign that extended the recruitment region and changed the mode of intervention delivery;and 3) the adoption of new channels of communication. Online discussions and in-person meetings with PCLAs sustained engagement, resulting in a two-year, 73 percent retention rate, and addressed community concerns about COVID-19. Applied outcomes included the selection by the regional cancer center of a 2022 goal to improve cultural care for Latinos and the empowerment of PCLAs as community advocates. The challenges created by COVID-19 were met by the study team's ongoing commitment to CBPR principles, flexible adaptations to a changing environment, and strong relationships forged with community members and advocacy groups.

17.
Journal of Corporation Law ; 47(3):797-816, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2045227

ABSTRACT

"17 The exploding prison population was undeniable-the DOJ reported 240,000 state and federal prisoners nationwide in 1975.18 In 2008, the U.S. prison and jail population peaked at 2.3 million.19 The upward trend has slowed, with just over 2 million at the end of 2019,20 but a March 2020 report estimates 2.3 million people are incarcerated across the United States.21 Unfortunately, even the releases triggered by COVID-19 are already proving to be short-lived-state prison and jail populations are "ticking back up" to prepandemic levels.22 B. Private Prisons Problems of prison overcrowding were widely known in the 1980s, with two-thirds of states under court order to improve conditions that violated the Constitution.23 But as the prison population grew,24 states struggled to balance the need for more facilities and the political pressure to be "tough on crime. The Corporate Duopoly Filling that need in the market, CoreCivic28 and GEO Group29 became the two largest players in the private prison industry. Since its founding in 1983, CoreCivic has become "the nation's largest owner of partnership correctional, detention, and residential reentry facilities and one of the largest private prison operators in the United States. "30 CoreCivic reported an annual revenue of $1.9 billion in 2020 and $1.86 billion in 2021,31 operating 113 facilities across 22 states.32 The corporation is also a major contractor in the temporary detention facility business (specifically immigration detention) and holds the longestrunning federal contract in the industry.33 In 2016, CoreCivic was awarded a $1 billion nounparalleled contest bill by the U.S. Administration to build and operate a detention facility for immigrants from Central America.34 In 2019, it was awarded a five-year contract worth $2.1 billion to provide guard services at a private San Diego immigrant detention center.35 GEO Group, considered the second-largest private prison corporation in the United States, was given the first federal government contract for a privately operated prison in 1997.36 Although traditionally showing a smaller profit margin than CoreCivic,37 GEO Group had an annual revenue of $2.35 billion for 2020 and $2.25 billion for 2021-an over $1 billion revenue increase since 2010.38 Worldwide, GEO operates and/or manages "approximately 86,000 beds at 106 secure and community-based facilities . . . and electronic monitoring and supervision services for more than 250,000 individuals. A 2017 study by the Prison Policy Initiative followed the money of mass incarceration-a $182 billion industry.43 While private prisons account for $3.9 billion of that industry, that does not even touch on the number of for-profit interests involved in everything from bail fees to commissary, telephone calls, and video visitation.44 A 2020 report lists over 4,100 corporations that profit from mass incarceration in the United States.45 Central to the success of the private prison industry has been its ability to offer diverse product offerings while maintaining ongoing profit margins.

18.
The Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine ; 95(2):175-176, 2022.
Article in English | ProQuest Central | ID: covidwho-2044806

ABSTRACT

[...]of the growing popularity of the smallpox vaccine, many governments began providing the vaccine and sometimes compelling residents to receive the vaccine by law. Factors such as primary language, generational status, immigration status, country of origin, race, age, and urbanicity should also be considered in the effort to improve COVID-19 vaccine participation among the Latinx community–in addition to other racial and ethnic minority communities that experience vaccine hesitancy. J Virol. .2019.Oct;;93((21):):e00797–19.10.1128/JVI.00797-191098-551431391269 Akingbesote, Ngozi Damilola a *;Louden, Elaine Maria b * a Perry Lab, Yale School of Medicine, Yale University, New Haven, CT, USA b Yale School of Public Health, Yale University, New Haven, CT, USA

19.
Womens Health (Lond) ; 18: 17455057221125103, 2022.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2042947

ABSTRACT

INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES: Research suggests that perceived immigration policy vulnerability has important health implications. Coupled with the mental and physical stressors accompanying the postpartum period and a growing awareness of the discrimination and structural racism experienced by marginalized communities globally, the coronavirus disease 2019 period may have exacerbated stress among vulnerable populations, specifically postpartum Hispanic/Latina women. This study evaluated perceived immigration policy vulnerability (i.e. discrimination, social isolation, and family threats) in early postpartum Hispanic/Latina women in Los Angeles before and during the coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic. METHODS: The Perceived Immigration Policy Effects Scale (PIPES) was administered cross-sectionally at 1 month postpartum to 187 Hispanic/Latina women in the MADRES cohort. Respondents between September 2018 and March 2020 were classified as "pre-pandemic" (N = 128), between March 2020 and July 2020 as "early pandemic" (N = 38), and between August 2020 and November 2021 as "later pandemic" (N = 21). Average PIPES subscale scores were dichotomized into "higher" and "lower" groups (⩽median, >median) and logistic regression models were performed. RESULTS: Approximately half of participants had incomes of <$50,000 (50.3%) and were Latin American born (54.6%). After adjusting for age, nativity, education, income, postpartum distress, and employment status, early pandemic respondents had 5.05 times the odds of a higher score on the perceived discrimination subscale (95% CI: 1.81, 14.11), 6.47 times the odds of a higher score on the social isolation subscale (95% CI: 2.23, 18.74), 2.66 times the odds of a higher score on the family threats subscale (95% CI: 0.97, 7.32), and 3.36 times the odds of a higher total score (95% CI: 1.19, 9.51) when compared to pre-pandemic respondents. There were no significant subscale score differences between later pandemic and pre-pandemic periods. CONCLUSION: Higher perceived immigration policy vulnerability was reported among postpartum women during the early coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic versus pre-pandemic periods. This suggests greater social inequities during the early pandemic period.


Subject(s)
COVID-19 , Emigration and Immigration , Female , Hispanic or Latino , Humans , Pandemics , Policy , Postpartum Period , Pregnancy
20.
Asian and Pacific Migration Journal ; 2022.
Article in English | Web of Science | ID: covidwho-2042914

ABSTRACT

In September 2021, Immigration New Zealand (INZ) announced the offer of a one-off residence visa category - the 2021 Resident Visa, to over 165,000 temporary migrant workers and their family members living in the country. The offer was a response to the backlog and growing numbers of applications that INZ was unable to attend to largely because of the lockdown during the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing on relevant statistical data, news media reports and available academic publications, this research note examines how New Zealand's sanitization policies during the pandemic affected the lives of temporary migrant workers who hold various work visas.

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