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Nat Cancer ; 3(11): 1273, 2022 Nov.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2186108
Lancet ; 399(10341): 2082-2084, 2022 06 04.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2150853
MEDICC Rev ; 24(3-4): 4-6, 2022 Oct 31.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2146585
MEDICC Rev ; 24(2): 3-5, 2022 05 16.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2146579

Pandemics , Politics , Cuba , Humans
Rural Remote Health ; 22(3): 7140, 2022 08.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2146088


INTRODUCTION: Vaccine hesitancy has been a major barrier to mitigating the effects of COVID-19, especially in rural Oregon, USA. This study assessed the influence of political affiliation, religious identity, and rurality on vaccine hesitancy in counties across Oregon. METHODS: Cross-sectional association analysis was performed using public data on US President Trump votership in the 2020 election, White Christian identity, population density, and COVID-19 vaccination data for adults as of 29 August 2021. RESULTS: By 29 August 2021, 68.0% of adults had been fully vaccinated in Oregon. Trump votership was the strongest independent association with vaccination status in Oregon (r=0.90, p<0.01), followed by White Christian identity (r= -0.69, p<0.01), and population density (r=0.55, p<0.01). In multivariate analysis, White Christian identity and political affiliation with Trump in the 2020 election explained 84.1% of the variability in COVID-19 vaccination status in Oregon counties. CONCLUSION: White Christian identity, Trump affiliation, and rurality were identified as factors in vaccine hesitancy among counties in Oregon. Without addressing these factors in public health outreach, vaccine hesitancy is likely to continue unabated.

COVID-19 Vaccines , COVID-19 , Adult , COVID-19/epidemiology , COVID-19/prevention & control , Cross-Sectional Studies , Humans , Oregon , Parents , Patient Acceptance of Health Care , Politics , Religion , Vaccination , Vaccination Hesitancy
Sci Rep ; 12(1): 19785, 2022 Nov 18.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2133589


This article examines the association between partisanship and vaccination in the UK. The lower vaccination rates among Republicans in the US have been linked to ideology and President Trump's anti-vaccination rhetoric. By contrast, both ruling and opposition parties in the UK promoted the national vaccination program. Using two datasets at constituency and individual levels, we analyse whether there are partisan differences in uptake when vaccination garners cross-party support. Our findings contrast in important ways from the US case. First, the correlation between partisanship and vaccination is the opposite to that of the US: both Conservative constituencies and individuals are associated with higher vaccination rates than Labour across almost all age groups. Thus, right-leaning individuals do not necessarily vaccinate less, at least when their political party is in power and supportive of vaccination. Second, partisanship alone accounts for a large share of variation in vaccination rates, but this association appears largely driven by socio-economic and demographic differences: older and economically better off individuals and constituencies tend to be more vaccinated. Once these controls are included, the correlation between Conservative partisanship and vaccination shrinks substantially. Hence, the ideological source of the partisan gap in vaccination rates appears smaller than in the US.

COVID-19 , Politics , Humans , COVID-19 Vaccines , COVID-19/epidemiology , COVID-19/prevention & control , Vaccination , United Kingdom/epidemiology
Lancet ; 399(10340): 2013, 2022 05 28.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2132759

Humanities , Policy , Humans , Politics
JMIR Public Health Surveill ; 7(4): e24277, 2021 04 28.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2141290


BACKGROUND: With conflicting information about COVID-19, the general public may be uncertain about how to proceed in terms of precautionary behavior and decisions about whether to return to activity. OBJECTIVE: The aim of this study is to determine the factors associated with COVID-19-related concerns, precautionary behaviors, and willingness to return to activity. METHODS: National survey data were obtained from the Democracy Fund + UCLA Nationscape Project, an ongoing cross-sectional weekly survey. The sample was provided by Lucid, a web-based market research platform. Three outcomes were evaluated: (1) COVID-19-related concerns, (2) precautionary behaviors, and (3) willingness to return to activity. Key independent variables included age, gender, race or ethnicity, education, household income, political party support, religion, news consumption, number of medication prescriptions, perceived COVID-19 status, and timing of peak COVID-19 infections by state. RESULTS: The data included 125,508 responses from web-based surveys conducted over 20 consecutive weeks during the COVID-19 pandemic (comprising approximately 6250 adults per week), between March 19 and August 5, 2020, approved by the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) Institutional Review Board for analysis. A substantial number of participants were not willing to return to activity even after the restrictions were lifted. Weighted multivariate logistic regressions indicated the following groups had different outcomes (all P<.001): individuals aged ≥65 years (COVID-19-related concerns: OR 2.05, 95% CI 1.93-2.18; precautionary behaviors: OR 2.38, 95% CI 2.02-2.80; return to activity: OR 0.41, 95% CI 0.37-0.46 vs 18-40 years); men (COVID-19-related concerns: OR 0.73, 95% CI 0.70-0.75; precautionary behaviors: OR 0.74, 95% CI 0.67-0.81; return to activity: OR 2.00, 95% CI 1.88-2.12 vs women); taking ≥4 medications (COVID-19-related concerns: OR 1.47, 95% CI 1.40-1.54; precautionary behaviors: OR 1.36, 95% CI 1.20-1.555; return to activity: OR 0.75, 95% CI 0.69-0.81 vs <3 medications); Republicans (COVID-19-related concerns: OR 0.40, 95% CI 0.38-0.42; precautionary behaviors: OR 0.45, 95% CI 0.40-0.50; return to activity: OR 2.22, 95% CI 2.09-2.36 vs Democrats); and adults who reported having COVID-19 (COVID-19-related concerns: OR 1.24, 95% CI 1.12-1.39; precautionary behaviors: OR 0.65, 95% CI 0.52-0.81; return to activity: OR 3.99, 95% CI 3.48-4.58 vs those who did not). CONCLUSIONS: Participants' age, party affiliation, and perceived COVID-19 status were strongly associated with their COVID-19-related concerns, precautionary behaviors, and willingness to return to activity. Future studies need to develop and test targeted messaging approaches and consider political partisanship to encourage preventative behaviors and willingness to return to activities.

COVID-19/prevention & control , COVID-19/psychology , Health Knowledge, Attitudes, Practice , Health Status , Politics , Adolescent , Adult , Age Factors , Aged , COVID-19/epidemiology , Cross-Sectional Studies , Female , Humans , Longitudinal Studies , Male , Middle Aged , Sex Factors , Surveys and Questionnaires , United States/epidemiology , Young Adult
Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A ; 119(46): e2120653119, 2022 Nov 15.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2119213


The COVID-19 pandemic in the United States was characterized by a partisan gap. Democrats were more concerned about this novel health threat, more willing to socially distance, and more likely to support policies aimed at mitigating the spread of the virus than Republicans. In cross-sectional analyses of three nationally representative survey waves in 2020, we find that adverse experience with COVID-19 is associated with a narrowing of the partisan gap. The mean difference between Republicans and Democrats in concern, policy support, and behavioral intentions narrows or even disappears at high levels of self-reported adverse experience. Reported experience does not depend on party affiliation and is predicted by local COVID-19 incidence rates. In contrast, analyses of longitudinal data and county-level incidence rates do not show a consistent relationship among experience, partisanship, and behavior or policy support. Our findings suggest that self-reported personal experience interacts with partisanship in complex ways and may be an important channel for concern about novel threats such as the COVID-19 pandemic. We find consistent results for self-reported experience of extreme weather events and climate change attitudes and policy preferences, although the association between extreme weather and experience and climate change is more tenuous.

COVID-19 , Humans , United States/epidemiology , COVID-19/epidemiology , Pandemics , Politics , Climate Change , Cross-Sectional Studies
PLoS One ; 17(11): e0275440, 2022.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2109319


Research has documented robust associations between greater disgust sensitivity and (1) concerns about disease, and (2) political conservatism. However, the COVID-19 disease pandemic raised challenging questions about these associations. In particular, why have conservatives-despite their greater disgust sensitivity-exhibited less concern about the pandemic? Here, we investigate this "conservatism-disgust paradox" and address several outstanding theoretical questions regarding the interrelations among disgust sensitivity, ideology, and pandemic response. In four studies (N = 1,764), we identify several methodological and conceptual factors-in particular, an overreliance on self-report measures-that may have inflated the apparent associations among these constructs. Using non-self-report measures, we find evidence that disgust sensitivity may be a less potent predictor of disease avoidance than is typically assumed, and that ideological differences in disgust sensitivity may be amplified by self-report measures. These findings suggest that the true pattern of interrelations among these factors may be less "paradoxical" than is typically believed.

COVID-19 , Disgust , Humans , Pandemics , COVID-19/epidemiology , Politics
Glob Public Health ; 17(10): 2373-2387, 2022 10.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2097152


This illustrated conversation between The Incredible, Edible, Akynos, Monica Jones, PJ Starr and Bambi Katsura unpacks how we use media to continue our sex worker activism during the multiple pandemics of COVID-19, police violence and environmental disasters. We each bring our histories and theoretical innovations to the table including the framework of the 'Whore Gaze' developed by PJ, Monica's approach to documentary that ensures trans people narrate their own lives, Akynos' scripted film series Chronicles of a Black Heaux that may re-imagine the 'melomentary form' for sex worker representation and Bambi's experience as a filmmaker and curator. In our conversation, we discuss how we use film, photography, film festivals, animation and other forms for our activism to promote social justice. We also describe how we are systematically unlearning the codes of representation of research and human rights documentation, so that we can create materials that are accessible to our communities, to people with disabilities and be freed from the dead-end of respectability politics.

COVID-19 , Human Rights , Humans , Membrane Proteins , Politics , Social Justice , Violence
Glob Public Health ; 17(10): 2460-2467, 2022 10.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2097151


The pandemic as a portal has deeply changed life as we know it, including our homes. While countries continue to strengthen their health systems and policies, marginalized groups in local communities are absorbed, reassembled, and transformed in everyday 'portals' which generate mutually entangled and composite forces of unification and healing as well as forces of division and wounding. In this commentary, I argue that these forces can be taken as embodying a geopolitics of love already subsumed by intimate, proximal, and mediated relations, therefore leaving out aspects of love that are populated by voids, hollows, and liminalities. Here, I reflect upon Massey's spatial politics vis-a-vis Harrison's notion of non-relationality in order to puncture the representational limits of the geopolitical as a way to transform 'bad' love (i.e. love that eclipses pains, sufferings, and otherness) while simultaneously not succumbing to a desire for sameness underpinning 'good' love (i.e. love that promotes unification and healing). Specifically, I suggest that the nonrelationality of place making and its geographies of nowhereness may lead us back home to love as always already there.

COVID-19 , Love , Humans , Policy , Politics , Sexual Behavior
Span J Psychol ; 24: e13, 2021 Feb 22.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2096600


In recent years, there has been an increasing interest in the consequences of conspiracy theories and the COVID-19 pandemic raised this interest to another level. In this article, I will outline what we know about the consequences of conspiracy theories for individuals, groups, and society, arguing that they are certainly not harmless. In particular, research suggests that conspiracy theories are associated with political apathy, support for non-normative political action, climate denial, vaccine refusal, prejudice, crime, violence, disengagement in the workplace, and reluctance to adhere to COVID-19 recommendations. In this article, I will also discuss the challenges of dealing with the negative consequences of conspiracy theories, which present some opportunities for future research.

Attitude to Health , COVID-19 , Communicable Disease Control , Health Behavior , Politics , Prejudice , Vaccination Refusal , Apathy , Attitude , Climate Change , Crime , Culture , Denial, Psychological , Guideline Adherence , Humans , Personnel Loyalty , SARS-CoV-2 , Violence
JAMA Health Forum ; 2(10): e214192, 2021 10 01.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2093215
PLoS One ; 17(10): e0275502, 2022.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: covidwho-2089411


A primary focus of research on conspiracy theories has been understanding the psychological characteristics that predict people's level of conspiracist ideation. However, the dynamics of conspiracist ideation-i.e., how such tendencies change over time-are not well understood. To help fill this gap in the literature, we used data from two longitudinal studies (Study 1 N = 107; Study 2 N = 1,037) conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic. We find that greater belief in COVID-19 conspiracy theories at baseline predicts both greater endorsement of a novel real-world conspiracy theory involving voter fraud in the 2020 American Presidential election (Study 1) and increases in generic conspiracist ideation over a period of several months (Studies 1 and 2). Thus, engaging with real-world conspiracy theories appears to act as a gateway, leading to more general increases in conspiracist ideation. Beyond enhancing our knowledge of conspiracist ideation, this work highlights the importance of fighting the spread of conspiracy theories.

COVID-19 , Humans , United States , COVID-19/epidemiology , Pandemics , Politics , Mental Processes