Understanding the Relationship Between Gender Representation in County Government and Perinatal Outcomes to Black, White, and Hispanic Birthing People in Georgia.

Objective: To characterize the association between percent of county-level elected officials who were female-presenting and perinatal outcomes in Georgia and variation by individual race, 2020-2021. Materials and Methods: We gathered data on the gender composition of county-level elected officials for all Georgia counties (n = 159) in 2022 and calculated the percent of female elected officials (percent female, 0-100). We linked this to data from 2020 to 2021 birth certificates (n = 238,795) to identify preterm birth (PTB, <37 weeks), low birthweight (LBW, <2500 grams), hypertensive disorders of pregnancy, and cesarean delivery. We fit multilevel log binomial models with generalized estimating equations, with percent female as the primary independent variable. We adjusted for individual and county-level potential confounders and individual race/ethnicity as an effect modifier. Results: County median percent female elected officials was 22.2% (interquartile range: 15.5). Overall, 14.6% of births were PTB and 10.1% LBW. A 15 percentage point increase in percent female elected officials was associated with lower risk of hypertensive disorders of pregnancy for white (adjusted risk ratio [RR]: 0.94, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.88-0.99), and possibly Hispanic (adjusted RR: 0.95, 95% CI: 0.89-1.0) and non-Hispanic other (adjusted RR: 0.94 (0.87-1.01), but not black birthing people (adjusted RR: 1.0, 95% CI: 0.95-1.05). There was not a clear pattern for PTB, birthweight, or cesarean delivery. Conclusion: Greater female representation in county government was associated with improved maternal health for some racial/ethnic groups in Georgia.

Political representation and perinatal outcomes to Black, White, and Hispanic people in Georgia: a cross-sectional study.

PURPOSE: Our goal was to estimate differences in perinatal outcomes by racial differences in political representation, a measure of structural racism. METHODS: We gathered data on the racial composition of county-level elected officials for all counties in Georgia (n = 159) in 2022. We subtracted the percent of non-White elected officials from the percent of non-White residents to calculate the "representation difference," with greater positive values indicating a larger disparity. We linked this to data from 2020-2021 birth certificates (n = 238,795) on outcomes (preterm birth, <37 weeks, low birthweight birth <2500 g, birthweight, hypertensive disorders of pregnancy, cesarean delivery). We fit log binomial and linear models with generalized estimating equations, stratified by individual race/ethnicity and including individual and county covariates. RESULTS: Median representation difference was 17.5% points (interquartile range: 17.2). A 25-percentile point increase in representation difference was associated with a greater risk of hypertensive disorders of pregnancy [White: adjusted risk ratio (RR): 1.12, 95% confidence interval (CI): (1.05, 1.2), Black: 1.06, 95% CI: (0.95, 1.17), other: 1.14, 95% CI: (1.0, 1.3), Hispanic: 1.19, 95% CI: (1.07, 1.32)] and lower mean birthweight for Black birthing people [adjusted beta -15.3, 95% CI: (-25.5, -7.4)]. CONCLUSIONS: Parity in political representation may be associated with healthier environments.