[Approaches to low-income groups' sexuality: a comparative study of women in three low-income contexts in Peru]. / Aproximaciones a la sexualidad popular: estudio comparativo de mujeres de tres contextos populares del Peru.

"This work...examines the cultural dimension of sexuality and fertility of women from [low-income] sectors in Peru. It intends to explain the cultural processes that fall into the intermediate variables of fertility, such as marriage rate, contraception, breastfeeding and...abortion. These dimensions of sexual and reproductive life are analyzed according to two explanatory dimensions: generation and cultural context of socialization. The general hypothesis is that a cultural process of homogenization of the values and behaviors has been taking place over sexuality, in such a way that the younger generations will show similar standard behaviors and values no matter their context of socialization; in the meantime, in the older groups there will exist contextual differences in these dimensions." (SUMMARY IN ENG)

[Population and the environment: perspectives and proposals]. / Poblacion y medio ambiente: perspectivas y propuestas.

PIP: This work reflects on the relationship between population and the environment at different stages of development and proposes guidelines for community-level integrated programs that would be better able than existing programs to respond to local needs. Growing concern in recent decades about population growth, the environment, sustainable development, and similar topics represents continuation of a debate first formulated at the dawn of the industrial era. The first portion of the work examines the extent to which the catastrophic predictions of Malthus and other "pessimists" have been realized in the areas of explosive population growth, deteriorating consumption, and irreversible environmental degradation. Insufficient historical data is available to answer the question of whether, as maintained by the "optimists", technological progress is capable of providing improving living standards for most of the population, reducing growth, and avoiding irreversible environmental damage. Some of the variables implicated in the debate can, however, be examined: population growth and the demographic transition in developing and developed countries, and the impact of population growth on agriculture and the supply of land, forests, and water. The evidence reveals the gravity and also the complexity and diversity of demographic and economic processes affecting the environment. The next section discusses a model designed to illustrate the interaction between population, consumption, technology, and environmental impact at different historical periods and stages of development. It is concluded that the developed countries are mainly responsible for pollution originating in industrialization and energy use, but the more urbanized developing countries are increasingly responsible for air and water pollution, deforestation, and soil erosion. The final section proposes an integrated focus for reproductive health and environmental programs at the community level in developing countries. The discussion identifies criteria for selecting populations, community participation, program focus, and technology transfers for programs capable of furthering the objectives of both the health and development components.^ieng

[Fertility transition in Peru]. / La transicion de la fecundidad en Peru.

PIP: Data from national censuses and sample surveys are the basis for this examintion of differential fertility and the fertility transition in Peru. Changes in the level and structure of fertility in the 3 major geographic regions are compared, and the role of contraceptive usage and nuptiality changes in the fertility decline are analyzed. Peru's total fertility rate was estimated at 6.85 in 1965 and has since declined to 6.56 in 1965-70, 6.00 in 1970-75, 5.30 in 1975-80, 4.65 in 1980-85, and 4.00 in 1985-90. The fertility decline varied in intensity and timing in the geographic regions. A clear fertility decline began among upper and middle income groups in the principal cities in the 1960s, spreading gradually to the urban low income sectors. Not until the late 1970s did the fertility decline spread to the rest of the population, coinciding with the years of severe economic crisis. The urban total fertility rate declined from 6 to 3.77 during 1961-86, but rural fertility increased through 1972 to 8.12, before declining slightly to 7.62 in 1981 and more markedly to 6.65 in 1986. Sociocultural and economic differences between Peru's natural regions are appreciable, and account for the contrasts in fertility trends. The greatest changes occurred in metropolitan Lima, which already had relatively low fertility in 1961. Its total fertility rate declined 44% from 5.6 in 1961 to 3.13 in 1986. Fertility declined by slightly under 40% in the rest of the coast, by almost 25% in the jungle, and by scarcely 14% in the sierra. The total fertility rates in 1961 and 1986, respectively, were 6.38 and 4.13 on the coast, 6.64 and 6.45 in the highlands, and 7.92 and 5.97 in the lowlands. The fertility decline, especially in the lower classes, was a response initially to the process of cultural modernization which in slightly over 2 decades saw a profound transformation of Peru from a rural, Andean, illiterate, and agrarian society to an urban, coastal, literate, and commercial society. From 1972 on, the fertility decline spread in the rural sectors and was intensified as a response to the profound economic crisis experienced in Peru from 1975 to the present. Increased contraceptive usage was apparently the most important cause of Peru's fertility decline. Overall prevalence increased from 31% in 1977-78 to 46% in 1986, and use of modern methods by women in union doubled in the same years. Regional fertility differences are correlated strongly to contraceptive prevalence and especially to prevalence of modern methods. The 3 most recent national fertility surveys and a series of more limited surveys suggest that women have an increasingly strong desire to control their fertility. The greatest barriers to use of modern contraception are fears of health effects and lack of knowledge.^ieng