Explaining immigration casework in federal Members of Parliament's district offices in Canada.

In Canada, a majority of federal constituency offices deal primarily with immigration files. The few qualitative studies on the subject show that the resources dedicated to these files and the type of work carried out on the immigration files handled vary between offices, thus contributing to disparities in service between federal electoral districts. How can such variation be explained? Based on the quantitative analysis of unpublished administrative data, this article first highlights the diversity of files handled by constituency offices, as well as the types of intervention carried out by constituency assistants. It then aims to explain the variations in case processing according to the type of case and the volume of requests handled. Studies of constituents' files received and processed at constituency office level have argued that the political ideology, gender and ethnicity of the deputy as well as the demographics of the constituency are explanatory factors. This analysis shows that in the case of immigration files, constituency demography is the most important factor, while the MP's political affiliation plays a very limited role. These results shed new light on the factors involved in the processing of immigration cases at constituency level, and add nuance to previous, mainly qualitative analyses. Our results also contribute to understanding the work of constituency offices for constituents, which appears to be far less partisan than in other countries where similar offices exist.

Au Canada, une majorité de bureaux de circonscription fédérale traite principalement des dossiers d'immigration. Les quelques études qualitatives portant sur le sujet montrent que les ressources dédiées à ces dossiers et le type de travail effectué sur les dossiers dʼimmigration traités varient entre les bureaux, contribuant ainsi à des disparités de services entre les circonscriptions électorales fédérales. Comment expliquer une telle variation? En sʼappuyant sur lʼanalyse quantitative de données administratives inédites, cet article met dʼabord en évidence la diversité des dossiers traités par les bureaux de circonscription ainsi que les types d'intervention effectués par les adjoints de circonscription. Ensuite, il vise à expliquer les variations du traitement des dossiers en fonction du type de dossier et du volume des demandes traité. Les études sur les dossiers de commettants reçus et traités au niveau des bureaux de circonscription ont soutenu que lʼidéologie politique, le genre et lʼethnicité du député ainsi que la démographie de la circonscription sont des facteurs explicatifs. Cette analyse montre que dans le cas des dossiers dʼimmigration, la démographie de la circonscription est le facteur le plus important, tandis que l'appartenance politique du député joue un rôle très limité. Ces résultats apportent un nouvel éclairage sur les facteurs du traitement des dossiers dʼimmigration au niveau des circonscriptions et nuancent les analyses antérieures, principalement qualitatives. Nos résultats contribuent également à la compréhension du travail des bureaux de circonscription pour les commettants, qui semble être bien moins partisan que dans dʼautres pays où des bureaux semblables existent.

Réformes de l'immigration au Québec en 2019 et 2020: La logique politique à l'épreuve de l'analyse statistique.

This research note examines the economic performance of economic immigrants selected under the Quebec Experience Program (PEQ). Launched in 2010 and currently being challenged by the Government of Quebec, this immigration program offers an accelerated path to obtaining a Quebec Selection Certificate. Drawing on data from The Longitudinal Immigration Database (IMDB), this analysis focuses on PEQ immigrants' employment rates and employment income compared to the Quebec population aged 25 and 44, other economic immigrants admitted to Quebec, and candidates for the Canadian experience program admitted in another province. The results show that the first cohorts of this program performed very well on the Quebec job market, a performance that compares favorably with that of the other groups studied. The results indicate that the economic arguments put forward by the Québec Government to justify the reform of the PEQ do not withstand the statistical examination of employment outcomes; other factors should justify this reform.

Cette note de recherche examine la performance économique des immigrants économiques sélectionnés dans le cadre du programme de l'expérience québécoise (PEQ). Lancé en 2010 et actuellement remis en question par la Gouvernement du Québec, ce programme offre une voie accélérée vers l'obtention d'un Certificat de sélection du Québec (CSQ). S'appuyant sur les données de la Banque de données administratives longitudinales (BDIM), cette analyse s'intéresse plus spécifiquement à l'évolution de leur taux d'emploi et de leur revenu d'emploi en regard de la population québécoise âgée de 25 à 44 ans, d'autres immigrants économiques admis au Québec et des candidats au programme de l'expérience canadienne admis dans une autre province. Les résultats révèlent que les premières cohortes performent très bien sur le marché de l'emploi québécois, une performance qui se compare avantageusement à celle des autres groupes étudiés. Il en résulte que l'argumentaire économique avancé pour justifier la réforme du PEQ ne puisse résister à l'épreuve des faits et que, dans ce contexte, elle relève plutôt d'une autre logique.

Second-trimester abortions and sex-selection of children in Hanoi, Vietnam.

Because sex-selective abortions are generally conducted during the second term of the pregnancy, timing of abortion can be used as an indirect way of studying sex-selection by abortion. We examined the likelihood of having a first-trimester vs. second-trimester abortion among a group of 885 married women who had an abortion in an obstetric hospital in Hanoi in 2003. In the absence of sex-selection by abortion, the number and sex of living children should not affect the timing of abortion. Results indicate that women with more children, particularly those with more daughters or without a son, were more likely to undergo a second-term abortion than a first-term abortion. We estimate that, in 2003, 2 per cent of all abortions to women with at least one living child were intended to avoid the birth of a female.

The persistence of induced abortion in Cuba: exploring the notion of an "abortion culture".

Cuba's annual induced abortion rate persistently ranks among the highest in the world, and abortion plays a prominent role in Cuban fertility regulation despite widespread contraceptive prevalence and state promotion of modern contraceptives. We explore this phenomenon using the concept of an "abortion culture," typically used in reference to Soviet and post-Soviet countries. We synthesize existing literature to provide a historical account of abortion and contraception in Cuba. We also provide a qualitative analysis of abortion and contraceptive use based on in-depth interviews conducted in 2005 in Havana with 24 women who have had an abortion and 10 men whose partners have had an abortion. Information gained from a focus-group discussion with medical professionals also informed the study. Our four principal findings are: (a) longstanding awareness of abortion, (b) the view of abortion as a personal decision, (c) the influence of economic constraints on the decision to induce an abortion, and (d) general skepticism toward contraceptives. We discuss our results on abortion in Cuba in relation to the notion of social diffusion, an approach commonly used to explain the spread of fertility control throughout a population.

Son preference in a rural village in North Vietnam.

This article explores the continuing preference for sons in the context of low fertility in Vietnam. Although the total fertility rate for Vietnam declined from 6.0 children per woman of reproductive age in 1979 to 2.2 children in 1998, demographic evidence shows that son preference remains strong and influences contraceptive and fertility behavior. This study examines the underlying factors for son preference in a rural village in North Vietnam. The methodology includes focus-group discussions, an in-depth study of 25 families, and ethnographic observation. Results indicate that sons are highly desired for their social, symbolic, and economic value. In spite of four decades of socialist policies aimed at reducing gender-based inequalities and at weakening the patriarchal kinship system, the desire for sons continues to drive the family-building process. The article also indicates a gap between discourse and social practice with respect to roles assigned to children on the basis of their sex.