The dissociability of lexical retrieval and morphosyntactic processes for nouns and verbs: A functional and anatomoclinical study.

Nouns and verbs can dissociate following brain damage, at both lexical retrieval and morphosyntactic processing levels. In order to document the range and the neural underpinnings of behavioral dissociations, twelve aphasics with disproportionate difficulty naming objects or actions were asked to apply phonologically identical morphosyntactic transformations to nouns and verbs. Two subjects with poor object naming and 2/10 with poor action naming made no morphosyntactic errors at all. Six of 10 subjects with poor action naming showed disproportionate or no morphosyntactic difficulties for verbs. Morphological errors on nouns and verbs correlated at the group level, but in individual cases a selective impairment of verb morphology was observed. Poor object and action naming with spared morphosyntax were associated with non-overlapping lesions (inferior occipitotemporal and fronto-temporal, respectively). Poor verb morphosyntax was observed with frontal-temporal lesions affecting white matter tracts deep to the insula, possibly disrupting the interaction of nodes in a fronto-temporal network.

Novel word acquisition in aphasia: Facing the word-referent ambiguity of natural language learning contexts.

Recent research suggests that some people with aphasia preserve some ability to learn novel words and to retain them in the long-term. However, this novel word learning ability has been studied only in the context of single word-picture pairings. We examined the ability of people with chronic aphasia to learn novel words using a paradigm that presents new word forms together with a limited set of different possible visual referents and requires the identification of the correct word-object associations on the basis of online feedback. We also studied the relationship between word learning ability and aphasia severity, word processing abilities, and verbal short-term memory (STM). We further examined the influence of gross lesion location on new word learning. The word learning task was first validated with a group of forty-five young adults. Fourteen participants with chronic aphasia were administered the task and underwent tests of immediate and long-term recognition memory at 1 week. Their performance was compared to that of a group of fourteen matched controls using growth curve analysis. The learning curve and recognition performance of the aphasia group was significantly below the matched control group, although above-chance recognition performance and case-by-case analyses indicated that some participants with aphasia had learned the correct word-referent mappings. Verbal STM but not word processing abilities predicted word learning ability after controlling for aphasia severity. Importantly, participants with lesions in the left frontal cortex performed significantly worse than participants with lesions that spared the left frontal region both during word learning and on the recognition tests. Our findings indicate that some people with aphasia can preserve the ability to learn a small novel lexicon in an ambiguous word-referent context. This learning and recognition memory ability was associated with verbal STM capacity, aphasia severity and the integrity of the left inferior frontal region.

Speech segmentation in aphasia.

BACKGROUND: Speech segmentation is one of the initial and mandatory phases of language learning. Although some people with aphasia have shown a preserved ability to learn novel words, their speech segmentation abilities have not been explored. AIMS: We examined the ability of individuals with chronic aphasia to segment words from running speech via statistical learning. We also explored the relationships between speech segmentation and aphasia severity, and short-term memory capacity. We further examined the role of lesion location in speech segmentation and short-term memory performance. METHODS & PROCEDURES: The experimental task was first validated with a group of young adults (n = 120). Participants with chronic aphasia (n = 14) were exposed to an artificial language and were evaluated in their ability to segment words using a speech segmentation test. Their performance was contrasted against chance level and compared to that of a group of elderly matched controls (n = 14) using group and case-by-case analyses. OUTCOMES & RESULTS: As a group, participants with aphasia were significantly above chance level in their ability to segment words from the novel language and did not significantly differ from the group of elderly controls. Speech segmentation ability in the aphasic participants was not associated with aphasia severity although it significantly correlated with word pointing span, a measure of verbal short-term memory. Case-by-case analyses identified four individuals with aphasia who performed above chance level on the speech segmentation task, all with predominantly posterior lesions and mild fluent aphasia. Their short-term memory capacity was also better preserved than in the rest of the group. CONCLUSIONS: Our findings indicate that speech segmentation via statistical learning can remain functional in people with chronic aphasia and suggest that this initial language learning mechanism is associated with the functionality of the verbal short-term memory system and the integrity of the left inferior frontal region.

When meaning is useless.

The aim of this study is to disentangle the relative contribution of semantic and phonological representation in immediate serial recall. Indeed, short-term memory (STM) performance could be enhanced by familiarity with the phonological form of the word only or together with semantic information. Participants learned two sets of words in an unknown language: for one set they acquired both phonology and semantics, while for the other only phonology. After that, they performed two immediate serial recall tasks involving either "phonology and semantics" or "only phonology" words and one with untrained words. The analyses showed that the trained lists did not differ from each other, while they did from the untrained one. These data confirm that familiarity with the phonological form is sufficient for immediate serial recall. Therefore, we argue that semantics is not required for verbal STM, but knowledge of the phonological form is what matters.