Hemispheric lateralization of semantic feature distinctiveness.

Recent models of semantic memory propose that the semantic representation of concepts is based, in part, on a network of features. In this view, a feature that is distinctive for an object (a zebra has stripes) is processed differently from a feature that is shared across many objects (a zebra has four legs). The goal of this paper is to determine whether there are hemispheric differences in such processing. In a feature verification task, participants responded 'yes' or 'no' following concepts which were presented to a single visual field (left or right) paired with a shared or distinctive feature. Both hemispheres showed faster reaction times to shared features than to distinctive features, although right hemisphere responses were significantly slower overall and particularly in the processing of distinctive features. These findings support models of semantic processing in which the dominant left hemisphere more efficiently performs highly discriminating 'fine' encoding, in contrast to the right hemisphere which performs less discriminating 'coarse' encoding.

Self-organizing dynamics of lexical access in normals and aphasics.

The goal of this article is to illustrate the application of self-organizing dynamics in the design of a model of lexical access. We focus particularly on the mapping of sound structure on to the lexicon and the influence of that structure on lexical access. The approach is tested in a series of two sets of simulations that explicate how lexical access might occur in normal subjects and aphasic patients. Both sets of simulations address the behavioral effects of both phonological and phonetic variability of prime stimuli on the magnitude of semantic priming. Results show that the model can successfully account for the behavioral effects associated with several kinds of acoustic manipulation, competitor presence, and the unfolding of those effects over time--primarily because it balances three important control parameters: resting lexical activation, positive feedback, and negative feedback. These simulations are offered as support (in the form of an existence proof) that deficits in the degree of lexical activation can account for the lexical processing impairments shown by Broca's aphasics who have reduced lexical activation, and Wernicke's aphasics who have increased lexical activation. Overall, results suggest that the present approach promises to offer a coherent theoretical framework within which to link empirical evidence in language processing and cognitive neuroscience in terms of possible underlying mechanisms.

Mapping from sound to meaning: reduced lexical activation in Broca's aphasics.

Recent studies of lexical access in Broca's aphasics suggest that lexical activation levels are reduced in these patients. The present study compared the performance of Broca's aphasics with that of normal subjects in an auditory semantic priming paradigm. Lexical decision times were measured in response to word targets preceded by an intact semantically related prime word ("cat"-"dog"), by a related prime in which one segment was acoustically altered to produce a poorer phonetic exemplar ("c*at"-"dog"), and by a semantically unrelated prime ("ring"-"dog"). The effects of the locus of the acoustic distortion within the prime word (initial or final position) and the presence of potential lexical competitors ("cat" --> /gaet/versus "coat" --> "goat") were examined. In normal subjects, the acoustic manipulations produce a small, short-lived reduction in semantic facilitation irrespective of the position of the distortion in the prime word or the presence of a voiced lexical competitor. In contrast, Broca's aphasics showed a large and lasting reduction in priming in response to word-initial acoustic distortions, but only a weak effect of word-final distortions on priming. In both phonetic positions, the effect of distortion was greater for prime words with a lexical competitor. These findings are compatible with the claim that Broca's aphasics have reduced lexical activation levels, which may result in a disruption of the bottom-up access of words on the basis of acoustic input as well as increased vulnerability to competition between acoustically similar lexical items.

Effects of subphonetic and syllable structure variation on word recognition.

This study explored whether natural acoustic variations as exemplified by either subphonetic changes or syllable structure changes affect word recognition processes. Subphonetic variations were realized by differences in the voice-onset time (VOT) value of initial voiceless stop consonants, and syllable structure variations were realized by vowel deletion in initial unstressed syllables in multisyllable words. An auditory identity priming paradigm was used to determine whether the amount of facilitation obtained to a target stimulus in a lexical decision task was affected by the presence of these acoustic variations in a prime stimulus. Results revealed different patterns for the two types of variability as a function of lexical status. In the case of subphonetic variations, shortening of VOT resulted in reduced facilitation for words but not for nonwords, whereas in the case of syllable structure variation, vowel deletion in an unstressed syllable resulted in reduced facilitation for nonwords and increased facilitation for words. These findings indicate that subphonetic variability interferes with word recognition, whereas syllable structure variability does not, and that this effect is independent of the magnitude of the acoustic difference between a citation form and its variant. Furthermore, the results suggest that the lexical status of the target item plays a crucial role in the processing of both types of variability. Results are considered in relation to current models of word recognition.

The role of segmentation in phonological processing: an fMRI investigation.

Phonological processes map sound information onto higher levels of language processing and provide the mechanisms by which verbal information can be temporarily stored in working memory. Despite a strong convergence of data suggesting both left lateralization and distributed encoding in the anterior and posterior perisylvian language areas, the nature and brain encoding of phonological subprocesses remain ambiguous. The present study used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to investigate the conditions under which anterior (lateral frontal) areas are activated during speech-discrimination tasks that differ in segmental processing demands. In two experiments, subjects performed "same/ different" judgments on the first sound of pairs of words. In the first experiment, the speech stimuli did not require overt segmentation of the initial consonant from the rest of the word, since the "different" pairs only varied in the phonetic voicing of the initial consonant (e.g., dip-tip). In the second experiment, the speech stimuli required segmentation since "different" pairs both varied in initial consonant voicing and contained different vowels and final consonants (e.g., dip-ten). These speech conditions were compared to a tone-discrimination control condition. Behavioral data showed that subjects were highly accurate in both experiments, but revealed different patterns of reaction-time latencies between the two experiments. The imaging data indicated that whereas both speech conditions showed superior temporal activation when compared to tone discrimination, only the second experiment showed consistent evidence of frontal activity. Taken together, the results of Experiments 1 and 2 suggest that phonological processing per se does not necessarily recruit frontal areas. We postulate that frontal activation is a product of segmentation processes in speech perception, or alternatively, working memory demands required for such processing.

The mapping from sound structure to the lexicon in aphasia: evidence from rhyme and repetition priming.

Two studies were conducted to explore the hypothesis that Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics have deficits arising from the processes involved in activating the lexicon from phonological form. The first study explored whether phonologically similar lexical entries differing only in their initial consonants show "rhyme priming." Results revealed that Broca's aphasics failed to show facilitation when the target was identical to the prime (i.e. identity priming) and they showed significant inhibition when targets were preceded by rhyming words. Wernicke's aphasics showed a pattern of results similar to that of normal subjects, i.e., identity priming and rhyme priming as well as significantly slower reaction-times in the rhyming condition compared to the identity condition. The second study investigated form-based repetition priming in aphasic patients at a number of intervals including when no other stimuli intervened between repeated stimuli (0 lag) or when 4, 8, or 12 stimuli intervened. Results showed that, unlike old normal subjects who showed repetition priming for both words and nonwords, both Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics showed repetition priming for word targets only. Moreover, in contrast to old normal subjects who showed a greater magnitude of priming at 0 lag for word targets, neither Broca's aphasics or Wernicke's aphasics showed priming at 0 lag. Implications of these findings are considered with respect to the hypotheses that Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics have deficits in the nature of the activation patterns within the lexicon itself and in auditory (working) memory.

Consonant and vowel production of right hemisphere patients.

Recent reports of subclinical phonetic deficits in posterior and most particularly in Wernicke's aphasics have challenged the traditional dichotomy which characterized speech deficits in aphasia as anterior/phonetic and posterior/phonological. It is unclear whether the basis of the phonetic deficit in posterior aphasics reflects the fact that the speech production system extends to more posterior regions of the left hemisphere than previously thought or alternatively is the result of generalized brain damage effects. The present study explores the latter possibility by investigating the patterns of speech production in right hemisphere brain-damaged, non-aphasic patients with anterior and posterior lesions. Acoustic analyses conducted on a range of consonant and vowel parameters showed differences between the speech patterns of both anterior and posterior right hemisphere patients and that of Wernicke's aphasics. These findings suggest that the subclinical deficit of Wernicke's aphasics can not simply be ascribed to a generalized brain-damage effect and raise the possibility that the right hemisphere also plays some role, if only a minor one, in the phonetic implementation of speech.

On-line processing of filler-gap construction in aphasia.

Two experiments were conducted exploring on-line processing of filler-gap construction in aphasia. An auditory-auditory lexical decision paradigm was used to investigate whether Broca's and Wernicke's aphasic patients show, as do normals, reactivation of the filler at the gap site. Experiment I investigated the processing of a number of filler-gap constructions including wh-questions, relative clauses as subject, relative clauses as object, and embedded wh-questions. Broca's aphasics showed reactivation of the filler at the gap site, whereas Wernicke's aphasics did not. Experiment II examined object relative clauses and their processing by Broca's aphasics. In addition, we investigated whether the presence (or absence) of the relative pronoun played any role in on-line processing. Broca's aphasics performed as did normals. In addition, their performance was unaffected by the presence or absence of the relative pronoun. The results of these experiments suggest that Broca's aphasics do not have an impairment in processing or representing thematic relationships of NP arguments to predicates or relating traces to their antecedents.

A perspective on the neurobiology of language.

This paper provides a perspective on current issues and challenges in the investigation of the neurobiology of language. It is proposed that the speech/language deficits of aphasic patients reflect impairments in the processing components involved in accessing language. More specifically, it is hypothesized that many of these deficits result from changes in the activation level of word candidates in the lexicon. Because word recognition and lexical access processes are crucially involved in virtually all aspects of language processing, such an impairment has repercussions throughout the components of the linguistic grammar. It is suggested that the intersection of such language behaviors with the identification of underlying neural systems will define future research directions. Methodological and technological issues are discussed as they impact on current and future research.

The characteristics of voicing in syllable-initial fricatives in American English.

This study investigated the acoustic characteristics of voicing in the production of fricative consonants. The fricatives [f v s z] were used in combination with the vowels [i e a o u] to create CV syllables, which were produced by four subjects both in a context condition (following voiced and voiceless velar stops) and in isolation. Analyses were conducted of the time course of glottal excitation during the fricative noise interval in the voiced and voiceless fricative stimuli. Results showed that the patterns of voicing in the fricative noise interval were influenced by the voicing characteristics of preceding stop consonants. Nonetheless, these carryover coarticulatory effects were short-lived, influencing only the first 10's of ms of the following segment. Despite the influence of phonetic context on the patterns of voicing, an acoustic measure relating to the presence or absence of glottal excitation at the acoustic boundaries of the fricative noise reliably classified a majority (93%) of the fricative consonants in terms of the phonetic category of voicing. Thus, while phonetic context affected the patterns of glottal excitation in the fricative noise interval, it did not affect the criterial attribute associated with the phonetic category of voicing.

The foreign accent syndrome: a reconsideration.

This study compared the post-CVA speech of a patient presenting with the foreign accent syndrome (FAS) to both a premorbid baseline for that patient and to similarly analyzed data from an earlier reported case of FAS. The object of this research was to provide quantitative acoustic data to determine whether: (1) the constellation of phonetic features associated with FAS is the same across patients and (2) a common neural mechanism underlies FAS. Acoustic parameters investigated included features of consonant production (voicing, place and manner of articulation), vowel production (formant frequency and duration), and prosody. Results supported the characterization of FAS patients as having a "generic" foreign accent and the hypothesis that FAS deficits are qualitatively different from that of Broca's aphasia. However, comparison of this case with recent studies revealed the extent to which the constellation of phonetic features may vary among FAS patients, challenging the notion that a general prosodic disturbance is the sole underlying mechanism in FAS.

Lexical effects on phonetic categorization: the role of stimulus naturalness and stimulus quality.

A series of experiments was conducted to determine whether the effects of lexical status on phonetic categorization were influenced by stimulus naturalness (replicating M. W. Burton, S. R. Baum, & S. E. Blumstein, 1989, who manipulated the intrinsic properties of the stimuli) and by stimulus quality (presenting the stimuli in white noise). The experiments compared continua varying in voice onset time (VOT) only to continua covarying VOT and amplitude of the burst and aspiration noise in no-noise and noise conditions. Results overall showed that the emergence of a lexical effect was influenced by stimulus quality but not by stimulus naturalness. Contrary to previous findings, significant lexical effects failed to emerge in the slower reaction time ranges. These results suggest that stimulus quality contributes to lexical effects on phonetic categorization, whereas stimulus naturalness does not.

Semantic facutation in aphasia: effects of time and expectancy.

Abstract Two auditory lexical decision semantic priming experiments were conducted to examine the extent to which the automaticcontrolled processing dichotomy can characterize lexical access deficits in Broca's and Wernicke's aphasics. In Experiment 1, prime-target predictability was varied while the interval between prime and target (ISI) was held constant. In Experiment 2, ISI was varied while prime-target predictability was held constant. The pattern of semantic facilitation and inhibition results for Experiment 1 showed that Broca's aphasics were influenced by prime-target predictability, whereas Wernicke's aphasics were not. In contrast in hperiment 2, manipulations of ISI at 150 and 2000 msec did not affect patterns of semantic facilitation for either Broca's or Wernicke's aphasics. Taken together, the results of these two experiments suggest that Broca's aphasics use heuristic strategies more so than old and young normal subjects. In addition, they seem to have an automatic processing deficit affecting the level of activation of lexical entries, with a spared time course of activation. Wernicke's aphasics show a pattern of results consistent with the view that automatic processing is unimpaired in these patients, while they fail to use heuristic strategies in these tasks.

Impairments of speech production and speech perception in aphasia.

The basis of speech production and speech perception deficits in aphasia relates to implementation and access rather than to the underlying representation or knowledge base of the sound structure of language. Speech production deficits occur on the phonological level in which the incorrect phonological form of the word is selected but is implemented correctly, and the phonetic level in which the correct sound segments are selected but articulatory implementation is impaired. Phonological deficits emerge regardless of lesion site, whereas phonetic deficits have a specific localized neuroanatomical substrate. Phonetic deficits are not linguistic but affect particular articulatory movements. Speech perception impairments emerge in nearly all aphasic patients, suggesting that the neural basis for speech perception is broadly distributed in the language hemisphere. The impairment reflects the misperception of phonetic features rather than a deficit in the auditory processing of speech and emerges particularly as the sound properties of speech contact the lexicon.

The effect of subphonetic differences on lexical access.

This study investigated whether lexical access is affected by inherent acoustic variations that contribute to the identity of a phonetic feature and ultimately a phonetic segment. Two experiments were conducted to determine whether the magnitude of semantic (associative) priming in a lexical decision task is influenced when the acoustic manifestation of the initial voiceless stop consonant (specifically, voice onset time) of a prime word semantically related to a lexical decision target was systematically manipulated (e.g., prime: "king"; target: "queen"). Results showed no effect of the acoustic manipulations at the longer interstimulus interval (250 ms); however, at the shorter interstimulus interval (50 ms), the magnitude of semantic facilitation decreased as a function of the voice onset time manipulations. In addition, there was a tendency toward slower lexical decision latencies when the prime word had a real word voiced counterpart than when it did not. These results suggest that activation levels of words in the lexicon are graded, depending on the subphonetic shape of the input word. Results also suggest that words which are phonologically similar to the intended word candidate are activated to some extent, whether the input provides a relatively poor phonetic representation of the intended word or a good one.

The role of lexical status on the phonetic categorization of speech in aphasia.

Recent results with normal subjects have shown that the locus of the phonetic boundary of a speech continuum may change as a function of the word/nonword status of the endpoint stimuli. This so-called lexical effect in phonetic categorization has been used as evidence for the role of top-down processing in speech perception. This study investigated whether aphasic patients show a similar influence of lexical status on phonetic categorization. Two test continua were created varying in voice-onset time: in one continuum, the two endpoint stimuli were word/nonword, i.e., "duke"--"tuke," and in the other continuum, they were nonword/word, i.e., "doot"--"toot." Twelve aphasic patients were tested including 6 Broca's aphasics and 6 Wernicke/Conduction aphasics. The subject's task was to determine whether the first sound of the stimulus was a "d" or "t." Broca's aphasics showed a large lexical effect, with the magnitude of the effect being greater than that for normals. These results suggest that the Broca's aphasics place a heavier reliance on a heuristic strategy than on the perceptual information embedded in the test stimuli in making a phonetic categorization. In contrast, Wernicke/Conduction aphasics did not show a lexical effect, suggesting that these patients are less likely than either normals or Broca's aphasics to use heuristic strategies in lexical processing. The overall results are considered in relation to current views on language-processing deficits in aphasia.

The influence of language on the acoustic properties of phonetic features: a study of the feature [strident] in Ewe and English.

This study explored the extent to which the acoustic manifestation of a phonetic feature is influenced by the linguistic role that the feature plays in the sound inventory of the particular language. To this end, we investigated the acoustic property associated with the feature [strident] in the production of bilabial and labiodental fricatives in Ewe, and labiodental and alveolar fricatives in English, and explored whether the acoustic manifestation of the feature [strident] varied in the instantiation of [f] in Ewe and English. In Ewe, the feature [strident] plays a contrastive role distinguishing labiodental from bilabial fricatives, whereas in English the feature [strident] does not play a contrastive role. Results showed that a measure of turbulence noise was able to distinguish bilabial and labiodental fricatives in Ewe and labiodental and alveolar fricatives in English. Moreover, the range of values associated with defining the amplitude characteristics for [f] was similar in the two languages. Nevertheless, differences emerged in the acoustic fine structure of the noise amplitude for [f v] in the two languages, with the frequency distribution for the labiodental fricative in Ewe being skewed towards the high amplitude range relative to English. These results suggest that while the fundamental manifestation of the acoustic property is the same across languages, its instantiation may be influenced by the functional role that its associated feature plays in the language.

Acoustic and perceptual characteristics of voicing in fricatives and fricative clusters.

Several types of measurements were made to determine the acoustic characteristics that distinguish between voiced and voiceless fricatives in various phonetic environments. The selection of measurements was based on a theoretical analysis that indicated the acoustic and aerodynamic attributes at the boundaries between fricatives and vowels. As expected, glottal vibration extended over a longer time in the obstruent interval for voiced fricatives than for voiceless fricatives, and there were more extensive transitions of the first formant adjacent to voiced fricatives than for the voiceless cognates. When two fricatives with different voicing were adjacent, there were substantial modifications of these acoustic attributes, particularly for the syllable-final fricative. In some cases, these modifications leads to complete assimilation of the voicing feature. Several perceptual studies with synthetic vowel-consonant-vowel stimuli and with edited natural stimuli examined the role of consonant duration, extent and location of glottal vibration, and extent of formant transitions on the identification of the voicing characteristics of fricatives. The perceptual results were in general consistent with the acoustic observations and with expectations based on the theoretical model. The results suggest that listeners base their voicing judgments of intervocalic fricatives on an assessment of the time interval in the fricative during which there is no glottal vibration. This time interval must exceed about 60 ms if the fricative is to be judged as voiceless, except that a small correction to this threshold is applied depending on the extent to which the first-formant transitions are truncated at the consonant boundaries.