Police body-worn cameras and privacy: Views and concerns of officers and citizens.

Police body-worn cameras (BWC) have been lauded for their potential to increase transparency and accountability by documenting officers' actions and interactions with citizens. However, despite their widespread use in recent years, several law enforcement agencies have been hesitant to adopt this technology because of privacy concerns. This article explores the views of police officers and citizens from the Canadian province of Quebec towards the use of BWCs. Specifically, it seeks to: (a) understand how officers feel about being monitored by BWCs and (b) assess citizens' privacy concerns towards police BWCs. A mixed-method research design was used, including interviews and focus groups with 78 police officers, including 46 officers from four pilot sites, and a telephone survey of 1609 residents from the same sites. The results show that officers are concerned about the potential effects of BWCs on their privacy and the privacy of the public. One major area of concern is the impact it may have on their work performance and the use of adaptative measures that support them in carrying out challenging duties. By contrast, most citizens have no reservations about being recorded by a BWC. Certain individual characteristics-such as age and perceptions of the police-however, were associated with heightened privacy concerns. Without neglecting citizens' privacy, this study provides insights into the development of BWC policies that preserve officers' right to privacy and ability to fulfill their duty.

Determining the impact of unknown individuals in criminality using network analysis of DNA matches.

Criminal offenders missing from police files limit the capacity to reconstruct criminal networks for criminological research and operational purposes. Recent studies show that forensic DNA databanks offer potential to address this problem, through large-scale analysis of DNA matches, many of which involve unidentified offenders. Applying social network analysis (SNA) to 18 years of DNA match data from Québec, Canada, we found that 1400 unknowns do not occupy more marginal positions in the network than 13,000 known offenders, and explain up to 18% of SNA values (e.g., betweenness centrality) for the latter while supporting 46% of their clustering values. Our results contrast with previous studies, showing moreover that unknown individuals who are positioned centrally in a network may have a larger impact than previously expected on investigation policing with implications for forensic intelligence.

Risk of Outdoor Rape and Proximity to Bus Stops, Bars, and Residences.

Several researchers have linked the configuration of public places to the risk of sexual attack against women, including rape. Based on the routine activity approach and crime pattern theory, we expect to find the greatest risk of outdoor urban rape near public places that are "target rich," "offender rich," and "guardian poor." We apply the theory to 193 outdoor rape locations in Campinas, Brazil, 2010-2013. We measure distances to the nearest bus stops, bars, and residences, then compare each of these to the distance from random points in the same city. Consistent with theory, outdoor rape victimizations occur disproportionately near bus stops and bars, but at least 250 meters away from the location of the nearest residence of any type. This baseline model suggests that urban planners could make women more secure from outdoor sexual attack by improving the design and location of public places, reducing the concealment of such places, and enhancing guardianship.

Domestic Violence Reported to the Police: Correlates of Victims' Reporting Behavior and Support to Legal Proceedings.

This article analyzes reported incidents of domestic violence according to the source of the complaint and whether the victim initially supported judicial action against the offender. Almost three quarters of incidents studied were reported by the victim (72%), and a little more than half of victims initially wanted to press charges (55%). Using multinomial logistic regression models, situational and individual factors are used to distinguish 4 incident profiles. Incidents in which the victim made the initial report to the police and wished to press charges are the most distinct and involve partners who were already separated at the time of the incident or had a history of domestic violence. The other profiles also show important differences.

Nightly variation of disorder in a Canadian nightclub.

OBJECTIVE: This paper aims to study nightly disorder within a single bar over an extended period, in order to analyse variations across time (n = 258 nights). METHODS: The security staff of a large Canadian nightclub agreed to note detailed information on every intervention in which they were involved. Bouncers wrote detailed narratives of each incident of aggression and incivility that occurred in the bar. Environmental characteristics (e.g. number of admissions and alcohol sales) were collected by one of the co-authors. RESULTS: "Hot nights" were observed. The number of problem events was particularly high on Tuesday nights, which had the highest number of customers admitted and higher alcohol sales. The average alcohol sale per customer was also higher during long weekends, and alcohol sales were positively related to problem events. Finally, path analyses revealed that the presence of more bouncers was a deterrent. CONCLUSIONS: The level of disorder in a bar varies greatly over time. Contrary to what is often postulated, bars are not always high- or low-risk. The results strongly support responsible alcohol-serving policies and highlight the benefits of adequate surveillance.

Risks, prices, and positions: A social network analysis of illegal drug trafficking in the world-economy.

BACKGROUND: Illegal drug prices are extremely high, compared to similar goods. There is, however, considerable variation in value depending on place, market level and type of drugs. A prominent framework for the study of illegal drugs is the "risks and prices" model (Reuter & Kleiman, 1986). Enforcement is seen as a "tax" added to the regular price. In this paper, it is argued that such economic models are not sufficient to explain price variations at country-level. Drug markets are analysed as global trade networks in which a country's position has an impact on various features, including illegal drug prices. METHODOLOGY: This paper uses social network analysis (SNA) to explain price markups between pairs of countries involved in the trafficking of illegal drugs between 1998 and 2007. It aims to explore a simple question: why do prices increase between two countries? Using relational data from various international organizations, separate trade networks were built for cocaine, heroin and cannabis. Wholesale price markups are predicted with measures of supply, demand, risks of seizures, geographic distance and global positioning within the networks. Reported prices (in $US) and purchasing power parity-adjusted values are analysed. RESULTS: Drug prices increase more sharply when drugs are headed to countries where law enforcement imposes higher costs on traffickers. The position and role of a country in global drug markets are also closely associated with the value of drugs. Price markups are lower if the destination country is a transit to large potential markets. Furthermore, price markups for cocaine and heroin are more pronounced when drugs are exported to countries that are better positioned in the legitimate world-economy, suggesting that relations in legal and illegal markets are directed in opposite directions. CONCLUSION: Consistent with the world-system perspective, evidence is found of coherent world drug markets driven by both local realities and international relations.