Predictive Brain Activity Shows Congruent Semantic Specificity in Language Comprehension and Production.

Sentence fragments strongly predicting a specific subsequent meaningful word elicit larger preword slow waves, prediction potentials (PPs), than unpredictive contexts. To test the current predictive processing models, 128-channel EEG data were collected from both sexes to examine whether (1) different semantic PPs are elicited in language comprehension and production and (2) whether these PPs originate from the same specific "prediction area(s)" or rather from widely distributed category-specific neuronal circuits reflecting the meaning of the predicted item. Slow waves larger after predictable than unpredictable contexts were present both before subjects heard the sentence-final word in the comprehension experiment and before they pronounced the sentence-final word in the production experiment. Crucially, cortical sources underlying the semantic PP were distributed across several cortical areas and differed between the semantic categories of the expected words. In both production and comprehension, the anticipation of animal words was reflected by sources in posterior visual areas, whereas predictable tool words were preceded by sources in the frontocentral sensorimotor cortex. For both modalities, PP size increased with higher cloze probability, thus further confirming that it reflects semantic prediction, and with shorter latencies with which participants completed sentence fragments. These results sit well with theories viewing distributed semantic category-specific circuits as the mechanistic basis of semantic prediction in the two modalities.

Does the right temporo-parietal junction play a role in processing indirect speech acts? A transcranial magnetic stimulation study.

In communication, much information is conveyed not explicitly but rather covertly, based on shared assumptions and common knowledge. For instance, when asked "Did you bring your cat to the vet?" a person could reply "It got hurt jumping down the table", thereby implicating that, indeed, the cat was brought to the vet. The assumption that getting hurt jumping down a table motivates a vet visit is tacitly attributed to the speaker by the listener, which implies Theory of Mind (ToM) processes. In the present study, we apply repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation to the right temporo-parietal junction (rTPJ), a key brain region underlying ToM, with the aim to disrupt ToM processes necessary for language understanding. We then assess effects on the comprehension of indirect speech acts and their matched direct controls. In one set of conditions, the direct and indirect stimuli where not matched for speech act type, whereas, in the other, these were matched, therefore providing an unconfounded test case for in/directness. When indirect speech acts and direct controls were matched for speech act type (both statements), the indirect ones took longer to process both following sham and verum TMS. However, when the indirect and direct speech acts were not matched for communicative function (accept/decline offer vs. descriptive statement respectively), then a delay was detected for the indirect ones following sham TMS but, crucially, not following verum TMS. Additionally, TMS affected behavior in a ToM task. We therefore do not find evidence that the rTPJ is causally involved in comprehending of indirectness per se, but conclude that it could be involved instead in the processing of specific social communicative activity of rejecting of accepting offers, or to a combination of differing in/directness and communicative function. Our findings are consistent with the view that ToM processing in rTPJ is more important and/or more pronounced for offer acceptance/rejection than for descriptive answers.