Algumas considerações sobre a possível atual relevância do conceito gramsciano de senso comum para a psicologia da política / Some reflections on the possible contemporary relevance to the psychology of politics of Gramsci's concept of common sense / Algunas consideraciones sobre la posible relevancia actual del concepto gramsciano de sentido común para la psicología política / Quelques réflexion à propos de l'importance actuelle du concept de sens commun chez Gramsci pour la psychologies de la politique

O presente trabalho desenvolve um percurso histórico, em especial no que se refere à Itália, do papel contraditório e contrastante do pensamento de Gramsci na política e na cultura. São abordados motivos da descoberta tardia e da escassa valorização das ideias sobre senso comum desenvolvidas nos "Cadernos do Cárcere". Questiona-se sobre a atualidade de tais ideias, as quais se relacionam com a hegemonia cultural e o vínculo entre élites e massas. É elaborada uma reflexão sobre a contribuição que essas ideias podem dar na atual fase de mudança social caracterizada por novos movimentos e novas formas políticas, bem como novos meios de comunicação. Emergem assim questões que, especialmente em países como o Brasil, podem ser trabalhadas a partir da relação entre as ideias de Gramsci, as propostas de Lewin - em particular a sua pesquisa-ação - e uma psicologia crítica e emancipatória.

A historical outline, with particular reference to Italy, is traced of the contradictory and conflictual role of Gramsci's thought in politics and culture. The reasons are examined for the late discovery and scarce utilization of the ideas on common sense formulated in his Prison Notebooks. The questions are to what extent these ideas, connected with cultural hegemony and the relation between elites and masses, are still valid today and what contribution they can make in the current phase of change characterized by new movements and forms of politics and by new means of communication. This with reference also to the role of Gramsci in South American and Brazilian culture. From this there emerge issues that, primarily inside Country as Brazil, can be addressed by linking Gramsci's ideas with the psychology of Lewin, especially the action research, and with a critical, emancipatory psychology.

El presente trabajo desarrolla un recorrido histórico del rol contradictorio y contrastante del pensamiento de Gramsci en la política y en la cultura, especialmente en lo que se refiere a Italia. Son abordadas razones del descubrimiento tardío y de la escasa valorización de las ideassobre sentido común desarrolladas en los "Cuadernos de la cárcel". Se cuestiona sobre laactualidad de dichas ideas, las cuales se relacionan con la hegemonía cultural y el vínculo entrelas elites y las masas. También se elabora una reflexión sobre la contribución que estas ideaspueden hacer en la fase actual de transformación social caracterizada por nuevos movimientos y nuevas formas políticas, así como nuevos medios de comunicación. Esto con referencia también al papel de Gramsci en la cultura sudamericana y brasileña. De esto surgen cuestiones que, principalmente dentro de países como Brasil, se pueden abordar al vincular las ideas de Gramsci con la psicología de Lewin, especialmente la investigación de acción, y con una psicología emancipatoria crítica.

On va tracer une référence historique, surtout rapporté à l'Italie, du rôle, contradictoire de la pensée de Gramsci, auprès de la politique et de la culture, en enquêtant les raisons de la tardive découverte et de l' insuffisante mise en valeur des idées à propos du sens commun, qui ont été développées dans les Cahiers de Prison. Nous irons nous interroger à propos de l'actualité de ces idées, qui sont liées avec l'hégémonie culturelle et la relation entre élites et masses, sur la contribution que elles peuvent fournir, pendant la phase actuelle de changement, caractérisée par nouveaux mouvements et nouvelles formes de la politique, si bien que par des nouveaux moyens de communication. Des problèmes vont apparaitre qui, particulièrement dans des Pays comme le Brésil, peuvent être affrontées en comparant les idées de Gramsci avec la psychologie de Lewin, particulièrement la recherche action et, plus en général, avec une psychologie critique et émancipatrice.

To Feel or Not to Feel When My Group Harms Others? The Regulation of Collective Guilt as Motivated Reasoning.

Four studies tested the proposition that regulation of collective guilt in the face of harmful ingroup behavior involves motivated reasoning. Cognitive energetics theory suggests that motivated reasoning is a function of goal importance, mental resource availability, and task demands. Accordingly, three studies conducted in the United States and Israel demonstrated that high importance of avoiding collective guilt, represented by group identification (Studies 1 and 3) and conservative ideological orientation (Study 2), is negatively related to collective guilt, but only when mental resources are not depleted by cognitive load. The fourth study, conducted in Italy, demonstrated that when justifications for the ingroup's harmful behavior are immediately available, the task of regulating collective guilt and shame becomes less demanding and less susceptible to resource depletion. By combining knowledge from the domains of motivated cognition, emotion regulation, and intergroup relations, these cross-cultural studies offer novel insights regarding factors underlying the regulation of collective guilt.

[Relevance of the Di Bella case in the relationship between people and official medicine]. / Rilevanza del caso Di Bella nel rapporto tra le persone e la medicina ufficiale.

In this research, we suppose that the Di Bella case showed a separation, that is at the basis of the relation between people and the "official medicine", in an emblematic way: the separation between the reified universe--that is the scientific research with its necessary and universal rules, the medical practice, the medical and governmental institutions--and the consensual universe--the common sense, the emotions and the thoughts of people, of the patients and of their relatives. At the same time, these dynamics of the relationship between science and public opinion are framed in the context of the historical and political Italian situation of the Nineties to explain the origin and the development of the affair. Because of the priority role attributed to the mass-media in building the case, this research analyses all the articles on the Di Bella case published in Panorama and L'Espresso--two magazines chosen because they represent different cultural and political tendencies--by experimenting the integration of qualitative and quantitative methodologies. From our analysis, an ancient culture emerges, that is expressed by the stereotype of the no hope illness and by the repetition of consolidated common places: on one side the irrationality of the masses and the Italian character, on the other side the veneration for the science and the unquestionable trust in the guarantee provided by a foreign hospital or by a foreign research centre. At the same time, a positive role of the public opinion points out, which is able to get some negative sides of the reified universe and to give voice to the needs of the patients and of all common people who have to face with--or are afraid of facing with--the cancer, a prototypical illness which arouses fears and anxieties.