ABSTRACT
PURPOSE: The aim of this study is to determine the prospective associations between baseline screen time and obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) at 2-year follow-up in a national (United States) cohort of 9- to 10-year-old children. METHODS: We analyzed prospective cohort data from the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development study (n = 9,208). Logistic regression analyses were used to determine the associations between baseline self-reported screen time (exposure) and OCD, based on the Kiddie Schedule for Affective Disorders and Schizophrenia (outcome), at 2-year-follow-up, adjusting for race/ethnicity, sex, household income, parent education, family history of psychopathology, and study site, excluding participants with baseline OCD. RESULTS: The sample was 48.9% female and racially and ethnically diverse (43.5% non-White). Each additional hour of total screen time was prospectively associated with 1.05 higher odds of OCD at 2-year follow-up (95% confidence interval [CI] 1.01-1.09). For specific screen time modalities, each additional hour of playing video games (adjusted odds ratio 1.15, 95% CI 1.03-1.28) and watching videos (adjusted odds ratio 1.11, 95% CI 1.01-1.23) was associated with a subsequent OCD diagnosis. CONCLUSION: Video games and watching videos are prospectively associated with new-onset OCD in early adolescents. Future research should examine mechanisms linking these specific screen modalities to OCD development to inform future prevention and intervention efforts.
Subject(s)
Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder , Screen Time , Adolescent , Humans , Female , Child , Male , Prospective Studies , Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder/epidemiology , Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder/diagnosis , Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder/psychology , Psychopathology , Psychiatric Status Rating ScalesSubject(s)
Social Media , Underage Drinking , Adolescent , Friends , Humans , Parents , Social NetworkingABSTRACT
Adolescents under the age of 18 are not recognized in the law as adults, nor do they have the fully developed capacity of adults. Yet teens regularly enter into contractual arrangements with operators of websites to send and post information about themselves. Their level of development limits their capacity to understand the implications of online communications, yet the risks are real to adolescents' privacy and reputations. This article explores an apparent contradiction in the law: that in areas other than online communications, U.S. legal systems seek to protect minors from the limitations of youth. The Children's Online Privacy Protection Act provides some protection to the privacy of young people, but applies only to children under age 13, leaving minors of ages 13 to 17 with little legal protection in their online activities. In this article, we discuss several strategies to mitigate the risks of adolescent online activity.
