Loss Of SNAP Is Associated With Food Insecurity And Poor Health In Working Families With Young Children.

The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) helps working families meet their nutritional needs. Families whose earned income increases in a given month may have their SNAP benefits abruptly reduced or cut off in the following month. Using sentinel sample data from 2007-15 for families with children younger than age four, we investigated how SNAP benefit reductions or cutoffs resulting from increased income were related to economic hardships (food and energy insecurity, unstable housing, forgone health and/or dental care, and health cost sacrifices) and to caregiver and child health. After we controlled for covariates, we found that the groups whose SNAP benefits were reduced or cut off had significantly increased odds of household and child food insecurity, compared to a group with consistent participation in SNAP. Reduced benefits were associated with 1.43 and 1.22 times greater odds of fair or poor caregiver and child health, respectively. Policy modifications to smooth changes in benefit levels as work incomes improve may protect working families with young children from increased food insecurity, poor health, and forgone care.

Timing and Duration of Pre- and Postnatal Homelessness and the Health of Young Children.

: media-1vid110.1542/5804912861001PEDS-VA_2017-4254Video Abstract OBJECTIVES: Prenatal homelessness is associated with elevated risks of adverse neonatal outcomes. How the timing and duration of homelessness during pregnancy and/or a child's early life relate to postnatal child health is unclear. METHODS: We interviewed 20 571 low-income caregivers of children <4 years old in urban pediatric clinics and/or emergency departments in 5 US cities. Categories of homelessness timing were prenatal, postnatal, both, or never; postnatal duration was >6 months or <6 months. RESULTS: After controlling for birth outcomes and other potential confounders, compared with never-homeless children, children who were homeless both pre- and postnatally were at the highest risk of the following: postneonatal hospitalizations (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] 1.41; confidence interval [CI] 1.18-1.69), fair or poor child health (aOR 1.97; CI 1.58-2.47), and developmental delays (aOR 1.48; CI 1.16-1.89). There was no significant association with risk of underweight (aOR 0.95; CI 0.76-1.18) or overweight status (aOR 1.07; CI 0.84-1.37). Children <1 year old with >6 months of homelessness versus those who were never homeless had high risks of fair or poor health (aOR 3.13; CI 2.05-4.79); children 1 to 4 years old who were homeless for >6 months were at risk for fair or poor health (aOR 1.89; CI 1.38-2.58). CONCLUSIONS: After controlling for birth outcomes, the stress of prenatal and postnatal homelessness was found to be associated with an increased risk of adverse pediatric health outcomes relative to those who were never homeless. Interventions to stabilize young families as quickly as possible in adequate and affordable housing may result in improved pediatric health outcomes.

"Do You Wanna Breathe or Eat?": Parent Perspectives on Child Health Consequences of Food Insecurity, Trade-Offs, and Toxic Stress.

OBJECTIVES: This study among 51 parents of young children under age four investigated how parents that report marginal, low and very low food security characterize how trade-offs associated with food insecurity affect parents' mental health and child well-being. METHODS: We carried out 51 semi-structured audio-recorded interviews after participants responded to a survey regarding food security status and maternal depressive symptoms. Each interview was transcribed. Through a content analysis, we coded "meaning units" in each manuscript and organized them by themes in ATLAS.ti. Among participants reporting both food insecurity and depressive symptoms, we identified three primary areas of concern: trade-offs, mental health, and child well-being. RESULTS: Parents described how trade-offs associated with food insecurity have a profound relationship with their mental health and home environment that strongly affects young children. Descriptions of hardships include anxiety and depression related to overdue bills and shut-off notices, strains with housing costs, and safety. Parents described how their own frustration, anxiety, and depression related to economic hardship have a negative impact on their children's physical health, and their social and emotional development. CONCLUSIONS: Parents in food insecure households recognize that trade-offs between food and other basic necessities are associated with their personal stress and poor mental health that, in turn, affects their children's health and development. Partnerships between healthcare providers, policymakers, and parents are essential to successfully address and prevent the poor child health outcomes of toxic stress associated with food insecurity and poverty.

WIC participation and attenuation of stress-related child health risks of household food insecurity and caregiver depressive symptoms.

OBJECTIVES: To examine how family stressors (household food insecurity and/or caregiver depressive symptoms) relate to child health and whether participation in the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) attenuates stress-related child health risks. DESIGN: Cross-sectional family stress and cumulative stress models from January 1, 2000, through December 31, 2010. SETTING: Families recruited from emergency departments and/or primary care in Baltimore, Boston, Little Rock, Los Angeles, Minneapolis, Philadelphia, and Washington, DC. PARTICIPANTS: Participants included 26,950 WIC-eligible caregivers and children younger than 36 months; 55.2% were black, 29.9% were Hispanic, and 13.0% were white. Caregivers' mean age was 25.6 years; 68.6% were US-born, 64.7% had completed high school, 38.0% were married, and 36.5% were employed. MAIN EXPOSURES: Of the participants, 24.0% had household food insecurity and 24.4% had depressive symptoms; 9.1% had both stressors, 29.9% had 1 stressor, and 61.0% had neither; 89.7% were WIC participants. OUTCOME MEASURES: Caregivers reported child health, lifetime hospitalizations, and developmental risk. Weight and length were measured. We calculated weight-for-age and length-for-age z scores and the risk of underweight or overweight. The well-child composite comprised good/excellent health, no hospitalizations, no developmental risk, and neither underweight nor overweight. RESULTS: In multivariate analyses adjusted for covariates, as stressors increased, odds of fair/poor health, hospitalizations, and developmental risk increased and odds of well-child status decreased. Interactions between WIC participation and stressors favored WIC participants over nonparticipants in dual stressor families on 3 child health indicators: (1) fair/poor health: WIC participants, adjusted odds ratio (aOR), 1.89 (95% CI, 1.66-2.14) vs nonparticipants, 2.35 (2.16-4.02); (2) well-child status: WIC participants, 0.73 (0.62-0.84) vs nonparticipants, 0.34 (0.21-0.54); and (3) overweight: WIC participants, 1.01 (0.88-1.16) vs nonparticipants, 1.48 (1.04-2.11) (P = .06). CONCLUSIONS: As stressors increased, child health risks increased. WIC participation attenuates but does not eliminate child health risks.

US Housing insecurity and the health of very young children.

OBJECTIVES: We investigated the association between housing insecurity and the health of very young children. METHODS: Between 1998 and 2007, we interviewed 22,069 low-income caregivers with children younger than 3 years who were seen in 7 US urban medical centers. We assessed food insecurity, child health status, developmental risk, weight, and housing insecurity for each child's household. Our indicators for housing insecurity were crowding (> 2 people/bedroom or>1 family/residence) and multiple moves (≥ 2 moves within the previous year). RESULTS: After adjusting for covariates, crowding was associated with household food insecurity compared with the securely housed (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 1.30; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.18, 1.43), as were multiple moves (AOR = 1.91; 95% CI = 1.59, 2.28). Crowding was also associated with child food insecurity (AOR = 1.47; 95% CI = 1.34, 1.63), and so were multiple moves (AOR = 2.56; 95% CI = 2.13, 3.08). Multiple moves were associated with fair or poor child health (AOR = 1.48; 95% CI =1.25, 1.76), developmental risk (AOR 1.71; 95% CI = 1.33, 2.21), and lower weight-for-age z scores (-0.082 vs -0.013; P= .02). CONCLUSIONS: Housing insecurity is associated with poor health, lower weight, and developmental risk among young children. Policies that decrease housing insecurity can promote the health of young children and should be a priority.