[A shortened scale for overall, emotional and social loneliness]. / De ingekorte schaal voor algemene, emotionele en sociale eenzaamheid.

Loneliness is an indicator of social well-being and pertains to the feeling of missing an intimate relationship (emotional loneliness) or missing a wider social network (social loneliness). The 11-item De Jong Gierveld scale has proved to be a valid and reliable measuring instrument for overall, emotional and social loneliness, although its length has sometimes rendered it difficult to use the scale in large surveys. In this study, we empirically tested a shortened version of the scale on data from two surveys (N=9448). Confirmatory factor analyses confirmed the specification of two latent factors. Congruent validity and the relationship with determinants (partner status, health) proved to be optimal. The 6-item De Jong Gierveld scale is a reliable and valid measuring instrument for overall, emotional and social loneliness, which is suitable for large surveys.

[Differential indicators of loneliness among elderly. The importance of type of partner relationship, partner history, health, socioeconomic status and social relations]. / Differentiële kansen op eenzaamheid onder ouderen. De betekenis van type partnerrelatie, partnergeschiedenis, gezondheid, sociaal-economische positie en sociale relaties.

Using data from the 1992 NESTOR-survey 'Living arrangements and social networks of older adults' (N = 4494), the aim of the present study is to identify specific categories of older adults who are most vulnerable to loneliness. By looking at different types of partner relationships (first, second, and third marriages; consensual unions; partners who are not household members) and at partner histories (never married, ever divorced, ever widowed, remarried), this study elaborates on previous research which has tended to look only at the presence versus the absence of partner relationships. Findings indicate that different types of partner relationships provide differential protection against loneliness. There appears to be a 'shadow of the past' of a previous divorce or widowhood in second and third partnerships, which accounts for generally higher levels of loneliness. Single men tend to be more lonely than single women. Moreover, there are no differences in loneliness between men who have always been single and those previously married. Among single women, differences in partner history are relevant: never married single women tend to be least vulnerable to loneliness. The differences in loneliness between older adults with different types of partner relationships and partner histories are only partially attributable to network and social participation differences. The latter independently contribute to the explanation of loneliness. The role of non-social determinants (health and socioeconomic position) is also examined. The results underscore the socially isolating effects of sensory impairments. Older adults with functional limitations, and those with visual or auditory problems tend to be more lonely, findings which are only partially attributable to differences in the number and quality of social relationships. Socioeconomic circumstances primarily have an indirect influence on loneliness. Those with higher levels of educational attainment and higher incomes tend to have more extensive social networks and are therefore less prone to loneliness.

Changes in and factors related to loneliness in older men. The Zutphen Elderly Study.

AIM: To investigate (i) whether loneliness increases in old age, and if so, whether it relates to ageing itself, to time trends or to cohort effects and (ii) the relationship between changes in institutionalization, partner status and health and loneliness. METHODS: 939 men born between 1900 and 1920 completed the De Jong-Gierveld Loneliness Scale, and answered questions about their partner status, health and institutionalization in 1985, 1990 and 1995. RESULTS: For the oldest group (born between 1900 and 1910) loneliness scores increased, but not for the younger groups. The increase in loneliness was attributable to ageing. No birth cohort or time effects were found. Loneliness was related to changes in institutionalization, partner status and subjective health but not to limitations in activities of daily living or cognitive function. CONCLUSIONS: the increased loneliness experienced by very old men is influenced by loss of a partner, moving into a care home or not feeling healthy.

[Reference standards for the loneliness scale]. / Cesuurbepaling van de eenzaamheidsschaal.

This article focuses on the cutting scores for the measurement of loneliness on the Loneliness Scale. A cutting score is used to distinguish the lonely from the not lonely. Data have been analyzed relating to interviews with 3,823 respondents (54-89 years old) who live independently. Use has been made of the individuals' self-assessed level of loneliness. More than would be the case with arbitrary cutting scores, this is in keeping with the individuals' own perception. The figures show that 68% of the elderly persons in the Netherlands are not lonely, 28% are moderately lonely, and 4% are quite lonely. Previous research used a lower cutting score and, consequently, observed that much more people are lonely.

Living arrangements of older adults in the Netherlands and Italy: coresidence values and behaviour and their consequences for loneliness.

Value studies indicate that the process of individualization in Europe started in Sweden and Norway, and continued via France and the Netherlands; the southern European countries lag behind, and are still characterized by more traditional family orientations. Starting from this point of view, this paper investigates the effects of differences between the Netherlands and Italy in the field of living arrangements of older adults with and without partners. The consequences of living alone and of coresidence with adult children have been further investigated, using loneliness as the dependent variable. The size and support functions of the network of social relationships, socio-economic resources, health, sex and age are also taken into account. Data come from face-to-face surveys among a random sample of older adults (55- to 89-year-old women and men) in the Netherlands (n=4,494) and in Italy (n=1,570), using the same research design and questionnaire. The data show country-specific differences in household types of older adults: the proportion living alone is much higher among older people without partners in the Netherlands; the proportion coresiding with their adult children is higher in Italy than in the Netherlands. Controlled for age, health, sex, size and support of the network, and for differences in socio-economic resources, household composition is still the most important determinant of loneliness. Living without a partner in the same household as one's adult children yields country-specific correlations that correspond with differences in value orientations: less loneliness in Italy, more loneliness in the Netherlands.

[Living arrangements and social networks of elders. A selection of findings from a NESTOR-Study]. / Leefvormen en sociale netwerken van ouderen. Een selectie van bevindingen uit een NESTOR-Studie.

This article presents an overview of the design and results of the NESTOR survey 'Living Arrangements and Social Networks of Older Adults', an empirical study, started in 1992, among a representative sample of 4495 people, aged 55-89, selected from the population registers of 11 municipalities in the Netherlands. Questions were asked about living arrangements, the composition and functions of social networks, and important transitions in the marital, parental and occupational careers. The results indicated a wide diversity in living arrangements and social networks, a diversity which is particularly visible among the young old. They not only have larger networks, but are also more likely to live alone, to be divorced and to participate in shared housing arrangements. The networks vary considerably in size, from 0 to more than 40 important relationships. The decrease in network size with age appears to be directly related to specific life events such as widowhood, physical handicaps, residential moves etc. About 2/3 of the relationships are family relationships: parents, children (in law), grandchildren (in law), brothers and sisters (in law), uncles and aunts. Older people tend to be in touch at least once a month with the majority of close family members. The intensity of supportive exchanges (giving and receiving instrumental and emotional support in the twelve relationships with the highest levels of contact) is moderate, however mostly in balance. Only the very old receive somewhat more instrumental support and give considerably less than the 'young-old'. We studied the shift in balance between giving and receiving over a period of 12 months among a small proportion of the sample, checking a central hypothesis of exchange theory. In some cases a new balance evolves. In others the relationship continues to exist for a number of reasons, despite the imbalance. Early life experiences appear to be important for later life outcomes. Those who experienced the divorce of their parents before the age of 15 or those whose parents lived apart permanently (e.g. unmarried mothers) have a smaller social network and feel more lonely. Marital history has an impact on patterns of informal and formal care. E.g., those respondents without a partner who have children are less likely to use formal care than those who are childless. Among divorced elderly the use of formal care not only varies between men and women but also differs according to the marriage in which the children are born, first or second marriage. Occupational history is strongly related to the income level of older women living alone.

Developing and testing a model of loneliness.

This article presents a model of loneliness that incorporates characteristics of the social network, background variables, personality characteristics, and evaluative aspects. The most salient aspect of this approach is its emphasis on cognitive processes that mediate between characteristics of the social network and the experience of loneliness. A total of 554 adult men and women served as respondents. The program LISREL, a causal modelling approach, was used to analyze the data. The LISREL program includes a goodness-of-fit test that indicates the degree of fit between a particular model and the data. The hypothesized model made a valuable contribution to the understanding of loneliness: It accounted for 52.3% of the variance in the data set. One of the model's major advantages is its ability to disentangle both the direct and the indirect causal influences of the various factors on loneliness.

Old and lonely?

The purpose of the present study was first, to assess the incidence of loneliness among older adults in light of gender, marital status, age and health, and second, to assess the associations between loneliness and a) descriptive characteristics and b) evaluations of the respondents' personal relationships. Interviews were conducted with 461 men and women, aged 65 and over, and living either at home or in institutions. The results show that it is necessary to examine the combined effects of marital status, gender, age and health in order to adequately assess the incidence of loneliness among older individuals. The study also reveals that an evaluation of the quality of personal relationships contributes more to the study of the incidence of loneliness than describing their characteristics.

[Admission to a home for the aged; a solution for the lonely aged?]. / Opname in een verzorgingstehuis; een oplossing voor eenzame ouderen?

The suitability of criteria on the base of which elderly are admitted to residential homes is a topic of current debate. The present research project explored the significance of the criterion of 'loneliness'. Data for this study were obtained from interviews with elderly inhabitants of Alkmaar. Individuals who spontaneously mentioned loneliness as an argument for admittance, as well as individuals who provided other criteria only, were part of the sample. In addition the respondents were classified according to gender, and to (still) living independently versus living in an institution. The data revealed that the elderly who spontaneously mentioned loneliness in their application differed in a number of ways from the other individuals in the sample. For example, their average scores on (validated) loneliness measuring instruments were significantly higher in the period prior to admittance to a residential institution. After admittance no significant differences in loneliness scores could be found between people who had previously mentioned loneliness as an argument and those who had not.