Exposure to structural racism-related state laws is associated with worse cardiovascular health among US adults, BRFSS 2011 and 2013.

The objective of this study was to determine whether exposure to structural racism-related state laws is associated with cardiovascular health among a racially and ethnically diverse sample of US adults. Data were from the Database of Structural Racism-Related State Laws and the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS). The sample included 958,019 BRFSS 2011 and 2013 respondents aged 18+ from all 50 US states. The exposure was a summary index of 22 state laws related to the criminal legal system, economics and labor, education, healthcare, housing, immigration, and political participation. The outcome was the American Heart Association's Life's Simple 7 (LS7), a summary index of seven cardiovascular health indicators. Linear regression models included fixed effects for year and state to control for time trends and unmeasured time-invariant state-level contextual factors. In the full sample, a one standard deviation increase in the structural racism state legal index was associated with a 0.06-unit decrease in the LS7 (b=-0.06; 95% CI:-0.09, 0.02; p=0.001), controlling for individual- and state-level covariates. Contrary to expectations, stratified models revealed no statistically significant differences by race and ethnicity in the association between the structural racism state legal index and the LS7.

Experiences of the Flint Water Crisis Among Reproductive-Age Michigan Women in Communities Outside of Flint: Differences by Race and Ethnicity.

We sought to understand how women in Michigan communities outside of Flint experienced the Flint water crisis, an avoidable public health disaster widely attributed to structural racism. Using survey data from 950 Michigan women aged 18-45 from communities outside of Flint, we examined racial and ethnic differences in personal connections to Flint, perceived knowledge about the water crisis, and beliefs about the role of anti-Black racism in the water crisis factors that could contribute to poor health via increased psychological stress. We found that White (OR = 0.32; 95% CI: 0.22, 0.46) and Hispanic (OR = 0.21; 95% CI: 0.09, 0.49) women had lower odds than Black women of having family or friends who lived in Flint during the water crisis. Compared to Black women, White women were less likely to be moderately or very knowledgeable about the water crisis (OR = 0.58; 95% CI: 0.41, 0.80). White women (OR = 0.26; 95% CI: 0.18, 0.37), Hispanic women (OR = 0.38; 95% CI: 0.21, 0.68), and women of other races (OR = 0.28; 95% CI: 0.15, 0.54) were less likely than Black women to agree that the water crisis happened because government officials wanted to hurt Flint residents. Among those who agreed, White women (OR = 0.47; 95% CI: 0.30, 0.74) and women of other races (OR = 0.33; 95% CI: 0.12, 0.90) were less likely than Black women to agree that government officials wanted to hurt people in Flint because most residents are Black. We conclude that the Flint water crisis was a racialized stressor, with potential implications for the health of reproductive-age Black women.