Collective action against corruption in Western and non-Western countries: cross-cultural implications of the Axiological-Identitary Collective Action Model.

People sometimes protest government corruption, yet our current understanding of why they do so is culturally constrained. Can we separate pancultural factors influencing people's willingness to protest government corruption from factors culturally specific to each socioecological context? Surprisingly little cross-cultural data exist on this important question. To fill this gap, we performed a cross-cultural test of the Axiological-Identitary Collective Action Model (AICAM) regarding the intention to protest against corruption. As a collective action framework, AICAM integrates three classical antecedents of collective action (injustice, efficacy, identity) with axiological variables (ideology and morality). A total sample of 2,316 participants from six countries (Nigeria, Russia, India, Spain, United States, Germany) in a multilevel analysis of AICAM predictions showed that the positive relationship of the intention to protest corruption with moral obligation, system-based anger, and national identification can be considered pancultural. In contrast, the relationships between system justification and perceived efficacy are culturally specific. System justification negatively predicted the intention to participate only in countries with high levels of wealth, while perceived efficacy positively predicted it only in countries perceived as less corrupt. These findings highlight the importance of accounting features of socioecology and separating pancultural from culture-specific effects in understanding collective action.

'Only My Truth Can Save Us All': The Impact of Socioeconomic Threat and its Emotional Appraisals on the Monopoly on Truth and Political Extremism.

BACKGROUND: Political extremism is one of the main threats to democratic societies and it has been related to socioeconomic threats like COVID-19. We argue that socioeconomic threat perceptions increase Monopoly on Truth (MoT), a tendency to conceive personal values as undeniable truths that are worthy of being imposed. MoT will then prompt a rise in extremist intentions. METHOD: These hypotheses were tested in two experimental designs ( N = 274 & 484). Study 1 manipulated socioeconomic threat, while Study 2 added a manipulation of the emotional appraisal of that threat. RESULTS: In Study 1, MoT scores were significantly different and higher in the high-threat condition. In Study 2, threat levels did not cause statistically significant differences when emotional appraisal of the threat was manipulated, with anger causing MoT to increase. Study 2 also showed that MoT works as a precursor of extremist intentions. CONCLUSIONS: Socioeconomic threats and their emotional appraisals raise MoT and, indirectly, extremism. Beyond deepening our understanding of the causes of MoT, the current findings highlight the implications of different narratives framing socioeconomic crises that may become a facilitating factor of extremism.

'Only My Truth Can Save Us All': The Impact of Socioeconomic Threat and its Emotional Appraisals on the Monopoly on Truth and Political Extremism / 'Sólo mi Verdad Puede Salvarnos': Impacto de la Amenaza Socioeconómica y su Evaluación Emocional sobre el Monopolio de la Verdad y el Extremismo Político

Background: Political extremism is one of the main threats to democratic societies and it has been related to socioeconomic threats like COVID-19. We argue that socioeconomic threat perceptions increase Monopoly on Truth (MoT), a tendency to conceive personal values as undeniable truths that are worthy of being imposed. MoT will then prompt a rise in extremist intentions. Method: These hypotheses were tested in two experimental designs (N = 274 & 484). Study 1 manipulated socioeconomic threat, while Study 2 added a manipulation of the emotional appraisal of that threat. Results: In Study 1, MoT scores were significantly different and higher in the high-threat condition. In Study 2, threat levels did not cause statistically significant differences when emotional appraisal of the threat was manipulated, with anger causing MoT to increase. Study 2 also showed that MoT works as a precursor of extremist intentions. Conclusions: Socioeconomic threats and their emotional appraisals raise MoT and, indirectly, extremism. Beyond deepening our understanding of the causes of MoT, the current findings highlight the implications of different narratives framing socioeconomic crises that may become a facilitating factor of extremism.(AU)

Antecedentes: El extremismo político constituye una de las principales amenazas para las sociedades democráticas, y se ha relacionado con amenazas socioeconómicas como la COVID-19. Argumentamos que las percepciones de amenaza incrementan el Monopolio de la Verdad (MdV), una concepción de los valores personales como verdades innegables dignas de imponerse. El MdV provocaría además un aumento de las intenciones extremistas. Método: Se realizaron dos estudios experimentales (N = 274 y 484). En el Estudio 1 se manipuló la amenaza socioeconómica. El Estudio 2 añadió una manipulación de la evaluación emocional de dicha amenaza. Resultados: En el Estudio 1, las puntuaciones de MdV difirieron de forma estadísticamente significativa, siendo más altas en la condición de alta amenaza. En el Estudio 2 se observó que los niveles de amenaza no causaron diferencias estadísticamente significativas en MdV al manipular la evaluación emocional. La ira sí causó diferencias estadísticamente significativas en MdV. El Estudio 2 mostró que el MdV funciona como antecedente de intenciones extremistas. Conclusiones: Las amenazas socioeconómicas y su evaluación emocional provocan un aumento del MdV e, indirectamente, del extremismo. Además, nuestros hallazgos destacan la relevancia de las diferentes narrativas que enmarcan las amenazas, las cuales pueden llegar a fomentar el extremismo.(AU)

Predicting Collective Action in a Secessionist Context: Different Motives for Two Opposed Stances.

Engagement in collective action is essential in the scenario of a secessionist struggle. In this scenario, two groups contend for an incompatible goal and one of them is favoured by the current status quo. Therefore, this context represents an excellent opportunity to compare the motives for participation among two groups whose situation and objectives differ drastically. We examined the motivations to participate in collective action of Catalan participants in the days leading to the independence referendum held in Catalonia (Spain) on the first of October 2017 (n = 719). As hypothesized, participation predicted by different motivations for each group. Regarding participation in the referendum, Catalan identity was the only predictor among pro-independence ranks, while those against independence showed a solidarity-based motivation. This work contributes to the literature by adapting previously researched collective action motivations to the context of a secessionist contention and providing evidence of their effect. Crucially, the motivations are different between supporters and opponents of independence, highlighting the need for examining the status and the stance on the system of groups when studying collective action.

Axiological-Identitary Collective Action Model (AICAM): A new integrative perspective in the analysis of protest.

Current predictive models of collective action have devoted little attention to personal values, such as morals or ideology. The present research addresses this issue by incorporating a new axiological path in a novel predictive model of collective action, named AICAM. The axiological path is formed by two constructs: ideology and moral obligation. The model has been tested for real normative participation (Study 1) and intentional non-normative participation (Study 2). The sample for Study 1 included 531 randomly selected demonstrators and non-demonstrators at the time of a protest that took place in Madrid, May 2017. Study 2 comprised 607 randomly selected participants who filled out an online questionnaire. Structural equation modelling analysis was performed in order to examine the fit and predictive power of the model. Results show that the model is a good fit in both studies. It has also been observed that the new model entails a significant addition of overall effect size when compared with alternative models, including SIMCA. The present research contributes to the literature of collective action by unearthing a new, independent path towards collective action that is nonetheless compatible with previous motives. Implications for future research are discussed, mainly stressing the need to include moral and ideological motives in the study of collective action engagement.

Development and validation of the monopoly on truth scale. A measure of political extremism / Desarrollo y validación de la Escala de Monopolio de la Verdad. Una medida de extremismo político

BACKGROUND: Extreme political attitudes have been on the rise since the economic and political crisis of 2008. This surge of extremism constitutes a real threat, as attitudes like these are dangerous for the peaceful, democratic functioning of society. A new cognitive style, Monopoly on Truth has been proposed, based mainly on the concept of naïve realism. METHOD: The development and validation of a scale for this new construct is the main objective of this study. A pilot study (N=209) was performed in order to gather the items that make up the final scale; and a main study (N=369) was conducted to test the validity and predictive power of the scale. RESULTS: The validation is successful as the scale shows good reliability scores, while also proving to be linked to extremism-related constructs. Additionally, the scale shows signs of not being ideologically biased. CONCLUSION: Results show the scale to be a very useful tool for studying extremism and other political trends. Future directions and other implications of the Monopoly on Truth are also discussed

ANTECEDENTES: las actitudes políticas extremas han experimentado un crecimiento constante desde la crisis político-económica de 2008. Esta oleada de extremismo constituye una amenaza real, debido el peligro que supone para el funcionamiento pacífico y democrático de la sociedad. Se propone un nuevo estilo cognitivo, el Monopolio de la Verdad, basado principalmente en el concepto de realismo ingenuo. MÉTODO: el desarrollo y validación de una escala para este nuevo constructo es el objetivo principal del presente trabajo, para ello se llevó a cabo un estudio piloto (N=209) con la finalidad de desarrollar la escala, así como un estudio principal (N=369) cuyo propósito fue la validación de la misma. RESULTADOS: el proceso de construcción y validación fue satisfactorio ya que la escala muestra una buena fiabilidad y está vinculada con constructos relacionados con extremismo. Adicionalmente, la escala no muestra sesgos ideológicos. CONCLUSIONES: la Escala de Monopolio de la Verdad es una herramienta de gran interés para el estudio del extremismo y otras tendencias políticas. Se discuten también direcciones futuras y otras implicaciones del Monopolio de la Verdad

Development and validation of the Monopoly on Truth Scale. A measure of political extremism.

BACKGROUND: Extreme political attitudes have been on the rise since the economic and political crisis of 2008. This surge of extremism constitutes a real threat, as attitudes like these are dangerous for the peaceful, democratic functioning of society. A new cognitive style, Monopoly on Truth has been proposed, based mainly on the concept of naïve realism. METHOD: The development and validation of a scale for this new construct is the main objective of this study. A pilot study (N=209) was performed in order to gather the items that make up the final scale; and a main study (N=369) was conducted to test the validity and predictive power of the scale. RESULTS: The validation is successful as the scale shows good reliability scores, while also proving to be linked to extremism-related constructs. Additionally, the scale shows signs of not being ideologically biased. CONCLUSION: Results show the scale to be a very useful tool for studying extremism and other political trends. Future directions and other implications of the Monopoly on Truth are also discussed.

The Importance of Protesters' Morals: Moral Obligation as a Key Variable to Understand Collective Action.

Collective action and protest have become a normalized political behavior that in many cases defines the political agenda. The reasons why people take to the streets constitute a central subject within the study of social psychology. In the literature, three precedents of protest that have been established as central to the study of this phenomenon are: injustice, efficacy, and identity. But political action is also deeply related to moral values. This explains why in recent years some moral constructs have also been pointed out as predictors of collective action. Moral variables have been introduced into the literature with little consideration to how they relate to each other. Thus, work in this direction is needed. The general aim of this research is to differentiate moral obligation from moral norms and moral conviction, as well as to compare their ability to predict collective action. In order to do so, the research objectives are: (a) conceptualize and operationalize moral obligation (Study 1, N = 171); (b) test its predictive power for intention to participate in protests (Study 2, N = 622); and (c) test moral obligation in a real context (Study 3, N = 407). Results are encouraging, showing not only that moral obligation is different to moral conviction and moral norm, but also that it is a more effective predictor working both for intention and real participation. This work therefore presents moral obligation as a key precedent of protest participation, prompting its future use as a variable that can enhance existing predictive models of collective action. Results regarding other variables are also discussed.

Reconciliación social como estrategia para la transformación de los conflictos sociopolíticos, variables asociadas e instrumentos de medición / Social Reconciliation as a Strategy for Transforming Socio-Political Conflicts, Associated Variables and Measurement Instruments

Resumen La reconciliación social ha sido propuesta como una de las estrategias que permite la transformación de los conflictos y el restablecimiento de las relaciones intergrupales pacíficas. El objetivo de este trabajo es hacer una revisión sistemática de la reconciliación, las variables con las que se asocia y los instrumentos para medirla. La búsqueda se hizo en Psycinfo y en la Web of Science, y los resultados indican que el mayor porcentaje de artículos surge en los años 90, las publicaciones abordan conflictos que se desarrollan a lo largo de todo el planeta: América, Europa, Oriente medio y África. Las variables con las cuales se relaciona estadística y teóricamente a la reconciliación se agrupan en cinco categorias: recuperación psicosocial, acercamiento de las partes confrontadas, resignificación endo y exogrupal, emociones y gestión del conflicto. Se registran 12 instrumentos con una fiabilidad adecuada para evaluar la reconciliación. Se concluye que con las cinco categorías de variables se podrían diseñar modelos explicativos y de diagnóstico que contribuyan a la promoción de los procesos de reconciliación social temprana, particularmente para aquellos paises que requieren transformar las dinámicas de confrontación violenta.

Abstract Social reconciliation has been posed as one of the strategies that allows for conflict transformation and re-establishment of peaceful intergroup relationships. The aim of this work is to carry out a systematic review of reconciliation, its associated variables and its measurement instruments. The search process was carried out using PsychInfo and Web of Science databases. Results show that the largest proportion of articles arised during the 90's, publications discuss conflicts developed all over the world: America, Europe, Middle East and Africa. The variables with which reconciliation is statistically and theoretically associated group within five categories: psychoscial recovery, rapprochement of confronted parties, ingroup and outgroup re-signification, emotions and conflict management. Twelve adequately reliable measurements of reconciliation are registered. It is concluded that the five categories mentioned could be used to design explanatory and diagnostic models which could contribute to the promotion of early social reconciliation processes, specifically within those countries that require the transformation of violent confrontation dynamics.