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1.
Nicotine Tob Res ; 25(3): 533-540, 2023 02 09.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36269978

ABSTRACT

INTRODUCTION: Advocates of electronic nicotine delivery systems (ENDS) increasingly use Twitter to promote liberal ENDS policies. "World Vape Day" (WVD) is an annual campaign organized by pro-ENDS advocacy groups, some of which have links to the nicotine industry (eg, via funding from the "Foundation for a Smoke-Free World"). In 2020, the campaign used dedicated social media accounts to disseminate WVD-branded images and campaign messages. We examined tweets posted as part of WVD 2020 to identify and analyze pro-ENDS policy arguments. AIMS AND METHODS: We extracted tweets posted between 26 May and 3 June 2020 that included the hashtag #WorldVapeDay. We used qualitative thematic analysis to code a random sample (n = 2200) of approximately half the original English language tweets (n = 4387) and used descriptive analysis to identify the most frequently used co-hashtags. RESULTS: Arguments related to four themes: harm reduction, smoking cessation, rights and justice, and opposition to ENDS restrictions. Tweets criticized individuals and groups perceived as opposing liberal ENDS regulation, and used personal testimonials to frame ENDS as a harm reduction tool and life-saving smoking cessation aid. Tweets also advanced rights-based arguments, such as privileging adults' rights over children's rights, and calling for greater recognition of consumers' voices. Tweets frequently used hashtags associated with the WHO and World No Tobacco Day (WNTD). CONCLUSIONS: The WVD campaign presented a series of linked pro-ENDS arguments seemingly aimed at policy-makers, and strategically integrated with the WHO's WNTD campaign. Critically assessing pro-ENDS arguments and the campaigns used to promote these is vital to helping policy actors develop proportionate ENDS policy. IMPLICATIONS: Social media platforms have considerable potential to influence policy actors. Tweets are easily generated and duplicated, creating an impression of sizeable and influential stakeholders. Evidence that the "World Vape Day" campaign was supported by groups with industry links, and targeted-at least in part-at WHO officials and those who follow the WHO World No Tobacco Day campaign, highlights the importance of critically reviewing such campaigns. Further research could examine how health advocates could engage in pro-ENDS campaigns to support balanced messaging and informed policy-making.


Subject(s)
Electronic Nicotine Delivery Systems , Smoking Cessation , Social Media , Child , Humans , Nicotine , Nicotiana
2.
Tob Control ; 31(2): 297-307, 2022 03.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35241603

ABSTRACT

OBJECTIVE: This paper explores transnational tobacco companies' (TTCs) long-term policy influence strategies using two case studies, harm reduction and illicit tobacco, to identify lessons for the tobacco control movement and wider efforts to address the commercial determinants of health. METHODS: Evidence from a broad combination of sources including leaked documents and findings from over two decades of TTC monitoring were reviewed for each case study and categorised using the Policy Dystopia Model, focusing on the primary discursive strategy and key instrumental (action-based) strategies used. RESULTS: In both case studies, TTCs seek to advance their interests by engaging primarily in reputation management, coalition management and information management strategies over the long-term to propagate their over-riding discursive strategy-'we've changed, we are part of the solution'-despite clear evidence from both case studies that this is not the case. These strategies are globally coordinated and attempt primarily to reshape norms towards TTC involvement in tobacco control policy and delivery. Findings also suggest that industry denormalisation and the advent of Article 5.3 have led to the TTCs growing use of increasingly complex and opaque 'webs of influence'. CONCLUSIONS: The tobacco control community must develop its own proactive long-term strategies which should include industry denormalisation, new ways to fund research that reduce industry control, and improved transparency measures for research and policy. These findings, including TTC adaptations to Article 5.3, also indicate the need for more structural solutions, addressing corporate power and the underlying political and economic system. These lessons can be applied to other unhealthy commodity industries.


Subject(s)
Tobacco Industry , Tobacco Products , Humans , Public Policy , Nicotiana , Tobacco Use
3.
Tob Control ; 31(1): 50-56, 2022 01.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33177210

ABSTRACT

BACKGROUND: Tobacco companies' intentions to influence the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) via the Conference of Parties (COP; the official biannual meeting where Parties review the Convention) are well documented. We aimed to analyse Twitter data to gain insights into tobacco industry tactics, arguments and allies. METHODS: We retrieved 9089 tweets that included #COP8FCTC between 1 and 9 October 2018. We categorised the tweets' content and sentiment through manual coding and machine learning. We used an investigative procedure using publicly available information to categorise the most active Twitter users and investigate tobacco industry links. Network analysis was used to visualise interactions and detect communities. RESULTS: Most tweets were about next-generation products (NGPs) or 'harm reduction' (54%) and tended to argue in support of NGPs; around one-quarter were critical of tobacco control (24%). The largest proportion of most active tweeters were NGP advocates, and slightly over half of those had either links to the Philip Morris International (PMI) funded Foundation for a Smoke-Free World (FSFW) and/or to the International Network of Nicotine Consumer Organisations, a network to whom the FSFW granted US$100 300 in 2018. PMI was the most active transnational tobacco company during COP8. CONCLUSIONS: The nature of the activity on Twitter around COP8, including a substantial online presence by PMI executives and NGP advocates with links to organisations funded directly and indirectly by PMI, is highly consistent with PMI's 2014 corporate affairs strategy, which described engaging tobacco harm reduction advocates to 'amplify and leverage the debate on harm reduction' around events such as the COP.


Subject(s)
Social Media , Tobacco Industry , Tobacco Products , Humans , Nicotiana , Tobacco Industry/methods , World Health Organization
5.
Tob Control ; 30(e1): e4-e9, 2021 11.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33023937

ABSTRACT

BACKGROUND: The Protocol to Eliminate Illicit Trade in Tobacco Products requires all parties to establish a tobacco track and trace (T&T) system. In 2016, the European Commission held a public consultation on T&T implementation where parties were asked to respond online to 22 multiple-choice questions and were given additional opportunities to leave comments. In May 2019, the European Union's (EU) T&T system became operational. This paper explores tobacco industry influence over and policy positions within the consultation process. METHODS: We identified consultation respondents and investigated any financial links with the tobacco industry and if these were transparent. Respondent's answers to the consultation's multiple-choice questions were collated to explore whether industry-linked respondents held the same policy positions as transnational tobacco companies (TTCs). Associations between policy positions and respondent's financial link status were tested using χ2 and Cranmer's V tests. FINDINGS: Of the 197 consultation respondents identified, 131 (66.4%) had financial links to the industry; 29 (22.1%) were not transparent about these links. A large number of trade associations responded (87), the majority of which (74/87) had financial links to the industry. There was a clear divide in the policy preferences of respondents with and without a financial link. Collectively, respondents with a financial link supported an industry-operated T&T solution. CONCLUSIONS: There was an extensive lobbying effort by the tobacco industry over the EU's T&T system, with TTCs' interests being represented repeatedly through multiple trade associations. The transparency requirements regarding consultation respondents' affiliations with relevant stakeholders (eg, tobacco manufacturers) should be improved for future consultations.


Subject(s)
Tobacco Industry , Tobacco Products , Commerce , Humans , Referral and Consultation , Nicotiana , Tobacco Use
6.
Tob Control ; 29(e1): e78-e86, 2020 12.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-32300025

ABSTRACT

BACKGROUND: Transnational tobacco companies (TTCs) have heavily publicised their argument that standardised tobacco packaging will increase the illicit tobacco trade. Leaked Philip Morris International (PMI) documents suggest that the company may have intended to use third parties to promulgate this argument in the UK. METHODS: We examined articles in UK newspapers (1 April 2013 to 31 March 2015) from LexisNexis for presence and nature of tobacco industry data. We also examined documents released by Freedom of Information requests made to Scottish Councils for evidence of how PMI operationalised its third-party strategy. FINDINGS: Two-thirds of newspaper articles (63%, 99/157) mentioned a PMI consultant; 36% of which did not disclose this industry funding. Most articles mentioned counterfeit tobacco, illicit whites or both (72%, 113/157), while few (4%, 7/157) specifically mentioned tobacco industry illicit tobacco and none explained that the latter can include tobacco-company involvement. Freedom of Information documents revealed that the PMI consultant sought to build relationships with Trading Standards officers, conducted undercover test purchases (UTPs) in illicit tobacco 'hotspots' and may have promoted unrepresentative findings in the media. While the data set featured PMI data predominantly, other TTCs also engaged in third-party techniques to promulgate messages on illicit tobacco. INTERPRETATION: PMI engaged a third party, seemingly with the aim of securing media coverage on illicit tobacco positing that standardised packaging would worsen the problem. The predominant focus of articles which featured industry-funded data and information was on counterfeit tobacco despite official data showing tobacco-industry illicit tobacco as the most prevalent. Other jurisdictions considering the policy should anticipate that third parties will promote the illicit-trade argument.


Subject(s)
Tobacco Industry , Tobacco Products , Commerce , Humans , Nicotiana , United Kingdom
7.
BMJ Open ; 9(9): e028506, 2019 09 24.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31551373

ABSTRACT

OBJECTIVES: UK standardised packaging legislation was introduced alongside pack size and product descriptor restrictions of the European Union Tobacco Products Directive to end tobacco marketing and misinformation via the pack. This paper aims to assess compliance with the restrictions and identify attempts to continue to market tobacco products and perpetuate misperceptions of harm post legislation. DESIGN, SETTING AND INTERVENTION: A prospective study of the introduction of standardised packaging of tobacco products to the UK. PARTICIPANTS AND OUTCOMES: We analysed commercial sales data to assess whether the legally required changes in pack branding, size and name were implemented. To explore any adaptations to products and packaging we analysed sales data, monthly pack purchases of factory-made (FM) cigarettes and roll-your-own (RYO) tobacco, tobacco advertisements from retail trade magazines and articles on tobacco from commercial literature (retail trade, market analyst and tobacco company publications). RESULTS: One month after full implementation of the UK and European Union policies, 97% FM and 98% RYO was sold in compliant packaging. Nevertheless, tobacco companies made adaptations to tobacco products which enabled continued brand differentiation after the legislation came into force. For example, flavour names previously associated with low tar were systematically changed to colour names arguably facilitating continued misperceptions about the relative harms of products. Tobacco companies used the 1-year sell-through to their advantage by communicating brand name changes and providing financial incentives for retailers to buy large volumes of branded packs. In addition, tobacco companies continued to market their products to retailers and customers by innovating exemptions to the legislation, namely, filters, packaging edges, seals, multipack outers, RYO accessories, cigars and pipe tobacco. CONCLUSIONS: Tobacco companies adapted to packaging restrictions by innovating their tobacco products and marketing activities. These findings should enable policy makers globally to close loopholes and increase the potential efficacy of standardised packaging policies.


Subject(s)
Commerce/legislation & jurisprudence , Marketing/methods , Product Packaging/legislation & jurisprudence , Product Packaging/standards , Tobacco Products/legislation & jurisprudence , Longitudinal Studies , Marketing/standards , Prospective Studies , Tobacco Industry/legislation & jurisprudence , Tobacco Industry/statistics & numerical data , Tobacco Products/standards , United Kingdom
8.
PLoS One ; 14(2): e0211758, 2019.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-30807582

ABSTRACT

BACKGROUND: Standardised tobacco packaging has been, and remains, a contentious policy globally, attracting corporate, public health, political, media and popular attention. In January 2015, the UK Government announced it would vote on draft regulations for the policy before the May 2015 General Election. We explored reactions to the announcement on Twitter, in comparison with an earlier period of little UK Government activity on standardised packaging. METHODS: We obtained a random sample of 1038 tweets in two 4-week periods, before and after the UK Government's announcement. Content analysis was used to examine the following Tweet characteristics: support for the policy, purpose, Twitter-user's geographical location and affiliation, and evidence citation and quality. Chi-squared analyses were used to compare Tweet characteristics between the two periods. RESULTS: Overall, significantly more sampled Tweets were in favour of the policy (49%) in comparison to those opposed (19%). Yet, at Time 2, following the announcement, a greater proportion of sampled tweets opposed standardised packaging compared to the period sampled at Time 1, prior to the announcement (p<0.001). The quality of evidence and research cited in URLs linked at Time 2 was significantly lower than at Time 1 (p<0.001), with peer-reviewed research more likely to be shared in positive Tweets (p<0.001) and in Tweets linking to URLs originating from the health sector (p<0.001). The decline in the proportion of positive Tweets was mirrored by a reduction in Tweets by health sector Twitter-users at Time 2 (p<0.001). CONCLUSIONS: Microblogging sites can reflect offline policy debates and are used differently by policy proponents and opponents dependent on the policy context. Twitter-users opposed to standardised packaging increased their activity following the Government's announcement, while those in support broadly maintained their rate of Twitter engagement. The findings offer insight into the public health community's options for using Twitter to influence policy and disseminate research. In particular, proliferation of Twitter activity following pro-public health policy announcements could be considered to ensure pro-health messages are not overshadowed by anti-regulation voices.


Subject(s)
Government , Health Policy/legislation & jurisprudence , Public Health/legislation & jurisprudence , Humans , Social Media , United Kingdom
9.
Tob Control ; 28(3): 334-345, 2019 05.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-30135114

ABSTRACT

OBJECTIVE: To examine the quality of tobacco industry-funded data on the illicit tobacco trade (ITT) through a systematic review of existing assessments of industry-funded data on ITT. DATA SOURCES: Papers and reports assessing tobacco industry-funded data on ITT were obtained via searches of 8 academic databases, Google searches and correspondence with ITT experts. STUDY SELECTION: Inclusion criteria identified 35 English-language papers containing an original assessment of tobacco industry-funded data. DATA EXTRACTION: Using a coding framework, information was extracted from the assessments regarding the quality of tobacco industry data. Documents were second-coded, achieving 94% intercoder reliability with all disagreements resolved. DATA SYNTHESIS: Of the 35 assessments reviewed, 31 argued that tobacco industry estimates were higher than independent estimates. Criticisms identified problems with data collection (29), analytical methods (22) and presentation of results (21), which resulted in inflated ITT estimates or data on ITT that were presented in a misleading manner. Lack of transparency from data collection right through to presentation of findings was a key issue with insufficient information to allow replication of the findings frequently cited. CONCLUSIONS: Tobacco industry data on ITT are not reliable. At present, the tobacco industry continues to fund and disseminate ITT research through initiatives such as PMI IMPACT. If industry data on ITT cannot meet the standards of accuracy and transparency set by high-quality research publications, a solution may be to tax tobacco companies and administer the resulting funds to experts, independent of the tobacco industry, who use previously developed reliable models for measuring ITT.


Subject(s)
Commerce/statistics & numerical data , Crime/statistics & numerical data , Tobacco Industry/economics , Commerce/legislation & jurisprudence , Data Collection/standards , Humans , Reproducibility of Results , Tobacco Products/economics
11.
BMJ Open ; 4(2): e003757, 2014 Feb 12.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-24523419

ABSTRACT

OBJECTIVES: To examine the volume, relevance and quality of transnational tobacco corporations' (TTCs) evidence that standardised packaging of tobacco products 'won't work', following the UK government's decision to 'wait and see' until further evidence is available. DESIGN: Content analysis. SETTING: We analysed the evidence cited in submissions by the UK's four largest TTCs to the UK Department of Health consultation on standardised packaging in 2012. OUTCOME MEASURES: The volume, relevance (subject matter) and quality (as measured by independence from industry and peer-review) of evidence cited by TTCs was compared with evidence from a systematic review of standardised packaging . Fisher's exact test was used to assess differences in the quality of TTC and systematic review evidence. 100% of the data were second-coded to validate the findings: 94.7% intercoder reliability; all differences were resolved. RESULTS: 77/143 pieces of TTC-cited evidence were used to promote their claim that standardised packaging 'won't work'. Of these, just 17/77 addressed standardised packaging: 14 were industry connected and none were published in peer-reviewed journals. Comparison of TTC and systematic review evidence on standardised packaging showed that the industry evidence was of significantly lower quality in terms of tobacco industry connections and peer-review (p<0.0001). The most relevant TTC evidence (on standardised packaging or packaging generally, n=26) was of significantly lower quality (p<0.0001) than the least relevant (on other topics, n=51). Across the dataset, TTC-connected evidence was significantly less likely to be published in a peer-reviewed journal (p=0.0045). CONCLUSIONS: With few exceptions, evidence cited by TTCs to promote their claim that standardised packaging 'won't work' lacks either policy relevance or key indicators of quality. Policymakers could use these three criteria-subject matter, independence and peer-review status-to critically assess evidence submitted to them by corporate interests via Better Regulation processes.


Subject(s)
Product Packaging/standards , Tobacco Industry , Tobacco Products , Commerce , Humans , United Kingdom
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