Comparing apples to manzanas and oranges to naranjas: A new measure of English-Spanish vocabulary for dual language learners.

The valid assessment of vocabulary development in dual-language-learning infants is critical to developmental science. We developed the Dual Language Learners English-Spanish (DLL-ES) Inventories to measure vocabularies of U.S. English-Spanish DLLs. The inventories provide translation equivalents for all Spanish and English items on Communicative Development Inventory (CDI) short forms; extended inventories based on CDI long forms; and Spanish language-variety options. Item-Response Theory analyses applied to Wordbank and Web-CDI data (n = 2603, 12-18 months; n = 6722, 16-36 months; half female; 1% Asian, 3% Black, 2% Hispanic, 30% White, 64% unknown) showed near-perfect associations between DLL-ES and CDI long-form scores. Interviews with 10 Hispanic mothers of 18- to 24-month-olds (2 White, 1 Black, 7 multi-racial; 6 female) provide a proof of concept for the value of the DLL-ES for assessing the vocabularies of DLLs.

Longitudinal relations between independent walking, body position, and object experiences in home life.

How do age and the acquisition of independent walking relate to changes in infants' everyday experiences? We used a novel ecological momentary assessment (EMA) method to gather caregiver reports of infants' restraint, body position, and object holding via text messages sparsely sampled across multiple days of home life at 10, 11, 12, and 13 months of age. Using data from over 4,000 EMA samples from N = 62 infants recruited from across the United States and sampled longitudinally, we measured changes in the base rates of different activities in daily life. With age, infants spent more time unrestrained. With the onset of walking, infants spent less time sitting and prone and more time upright. Although rates of object holding did not change with age or walking ability, we found that infants who can walk hold objects more often in an upright position compared with nonwalkers. We discuss how accurately measuring changes in lived experiences serves to constrain theories about developmental mechanisms. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Ten lessons about infants' everyday experiences.

Audio recorders, accelerometers, and cameras that infants wear throughout their everyday lives capture the experiences that are available to shape development. Everyday sensing in infancy reveals patterns within the everyday hubbub that are unknowable using methods that capture shorter, more isolated, or more planned slices of behavior. Here, we review ten lessons learned from recent endeavors that removed researchers from designing or participating in infants' experiences and instead quantified patterns that arose within infants' own spontaneously arising everyday experiences. The striking heterogeneity of experiences - there is no meaningfully "representative" hour of a day, instance of a category, interaction context, or infant - inspires next steps in theory and practice that embrace the complex, dynamic, and multiple pathways of human development.

Everyday Parameters for Episode-to-Episode Dynamics in the Daily Music of Infancy.

Experience-dependent change pervades early human development. Though trajectories of developmental change have been well charted in many domains, the episode-to-episode schedules of experiences on which they are hypothesized to depend have not. Here, we took up this issue in a domain known to be governed in part by early experiences: music. Using a corpus of longform audio recordings, we parameterized the daily schedules of music encountered by 35 infants ages 6-12 months. We discovered that everyday music episodes, as well as the interstices between episodes, typically persisted less than a minute, with most daily schedules also including some very extended episodes and interstices. We also discovered that infants encountered music episodes in a bursty rhythm, rather than a periodic or random rhythm, over the day. These findings join a suite of recent discoveries from everyday vision, motor, and language that expand our imaginations beyond artificial learning schedules and enable theorists to model the history-dependence of developmental process in ways that respect everyday sensory histories. Future theories about how infants build knowledge across multiple episodes can now be parameterized using these insights from infants' everyday lives.

Daylong Mobile Audio Recordings Reveal Multitimescale Dynamics in Infants' Vocal Productions and Auditory Experiences.

The sounds of human infancy-baby babbling, adult talking, lullaby singing, and more-fluctuate over time. Infant-friendly wearable audio recorders can now capture very large quantities of these sounds throughout infants' everyday lives at home. Here, we review recent discoveries about how infants' soundscapes are organized over the course of a day based on analyses designed to detect patterns at multiple timescales. Analyses of infants' day-long audio have revealed that everyday vocalizations are clustered hierarchically in time, vocal explorations are consistent with foraging dynamics, and musical tunes are distributed such that some are much more available than others. This approach focusing on the multi-scale distributions of sounds heard and produced by infants provides new, fundamental insights on human communication development from a complex systems perspective.

Quantifying Everyday Ecologies: Principles for Manual Annotation of Many Hours of Infants' Lives.

Everyday experiences are the experiences available to shape developmental change. Remarkable advances in devices used to record infants' and toddlers' everyday experiences, as well as in repositories to aggregate and share such recordings across teams of theorists, have yielded a potential gold mine of insights to spur next-generation theories of experience-dependent change. Making full use of these advances, however, currently requires manual annotation. Manually annotating many hours of everyday life is a dedicated pursuit requiring significant time and resources, and in many domains is an endeavor currently lacking foundational facts to guide potentially consequential implementation decisions. These realities make manual annotation a frequent barrier to discoveries, as theorists instead opt for narrower scoped activities. Here, we provide theorists with a framework for manually annotating many hours of everyday life designed to reduce both theoretical and practical overwhelm. We share insights based on our team's recent adventures in the previously uncharted territory of everyday music. We identify principles, and share implementation examples and tools, to help theorists achieve scalable solutions to challenges that are especially fierce when annotating extended timescales. These principles for quantifying everyday ecologies will help theorists collectively maximize return on investment in databases of everyday recordings and will enable a broad community of scholars-across institutions, skillsets, experiences, and working environments-to make discoveries about the experiences upon which development may depend.

Everyday music in infancy.

Infants enculturate to their soundscape over the first year of life, yet theories of how they do so rarely make contact with details about the sounds available in everyday life. Here, we report on properties of a ubiquitous early ecology in which foundational skills get built: music. We captured daylong recordings from 35 infants ages 6-12 months at home and fully double-coded 467 h of everyday sounds for music and its features, tunes, and voices. Analyses of this first-of-its-kind corpus revealed two distributional properties of infants' everyday musical ecology. First, infants encountered vocal music in over half, and instrumental in over three-quarters, of everyday music. Live sources generated one-third, and recorded sources three-quarters, of everyday music. Second, infants did not encounter each individual tune and voice in their day equally often. Instead, the most available identity cumulated to many more seconds of the day than would be expected under a uniform distribution. These properties of everyday music in human infancy are different from what is discoverable in environments highly constrained by context (e.g., laboratories) and time (e.g., minutes rather than hours). Together with recent insights about the everyday motor, language, and visual ecologies of infancy, these findings reinforce an emerging priority to build theories of development that address the opportunities and challenges of real input encountered by real learners.

Novel names extend for how long preschool children sample visual information.

Known words can guide visual attention, affecting how information is sampled. How do novel words, those that do not provide any top-down information, affect preschoolers' visual sampling in a conceptual task? We proposed that novel names can also change visual sampling by influencing how long children look. We investigated this possibility by analyzing how children sample visual information when they hear a sentence with a novel name versus without a novel name. Children completed a match-to-sample task while their moment-to-moment eye movements were recorded using eye-tracking technology. Our analyses were designed to provide specific information on the properties of visual sampling that novel names may change. Overall, we found that novel words prolonged the duration of each sampling event but did not affect sampling allocation (which objects children looked at) or sampling organization (how children transitioned from one object to the next). These results demonstrate that novel words change one important dynamic property of gaze: Novel words can entrain the cognitive system toward longer periods of sustained attention early in development.

Why are faces denser in the visual experiences of younger than older infants?

Recent evidence from studies using head cameras suggests that the frequency of faces directly in front of infants declines over the first year and a half of life, a result that has implications for the development of and evolutionary constraints on face processing. Two experiments tested 2 opposing hypotheses about this observed age-related decline in the frequency of faces in infant views. By the people-input hypothesis, there are more faces in view for younger infants because people are more often physically in front of younger than older infants. This hypothesis predicts that not just faces but views of other body parts will decline with age. By the face-input hypothesis, the decline is strictly about faces, not people or other body parts in general. Two experiments, 1 using a time-sampling method (84 infants, 3 to 24 months in age) and the other analyses of head camera images (36 infants, 1 to 24 months) provide strong support for the face-input hypothesis. The results suggest developmental constraints on the environment that ensure faces are prevalent early in development. (PsycINFO Database Record

From faces to hands: Changing visual input in the first two years.

Human development takes place in a social context. Two pervasive sources of social information are faces and hands. Here, we provide the first report of the visual frequency of faces and hands in the everyday scenes available to infants. These scenes were collected by having infants wear head cameras during unconstrained everyday activities. Our corpus of 143hours of infant-perspective scenes, collected from 34 infants aged 1month to 2years, was sampled for analysis at 1/5Hz. The major finding from this corpus is that the faces and hands of social partners are not equally available throughout the first two years of life. Instead, there is an earlier period of dense face input and a later period of dense hand input. At all ages, hands in these scenes were primarily in contact with objects and the spatio-temporal co-occurrence of hands and faces was greater than expected by chance. The orderliness of the shift from faces to hands suggests a principled transition in the contents of visual experiences and is discussed in terms of the role of developmental gates on the timing and statistics of visual experiences.

Contributions of head-mounted cameras to studying the visual environments of infants and young children.

Head-mounted video cameras (with and without an eye camera to track gaze direction) are being increasingly used to study infants' and young children's visual environments and provide new and often unexpected insights about the visual world from a child's point of view. The challenge in using head cameras is principally conceptual and concerns the match between what these cameras measure and the research question. Head cameras record the scene in front of faces and thus answer questions about those head-centered scenes. In this "tools of the trade" article, we consider the unique contributions provided by head-centered video, the limitations and open questions that remain for head-camera methods, and the practical issues of placing head-cameras on infants and analyzing the generated video.

The Faces in Infant-Perspective Scenes Change over the First Year of Life.

Mature face perception has its origins in the face experiences of infants. However, little is known about the basic statistics of faces in early visual environments. We used head cameras to capture and analyze over 72,000 infant-perspective scenes from 22 infants aged 1-11 months as they engaged in daily activities. The frequency of faces in these scenes declined markedly with age: for the youngest infants, faces were present 15 minutes in every waking hour but only 5 minutes for the oldest infants. In general, the available faces were well characterized by three properties: (1) they belonged to relatively few individuals; (2) they were close and visually large; and (3) they presented views showing both eyes. These three properties most strongly characterized the face corpora of our youngest infants and constitute environmental constraints on the early development of the visual system.

Who dunnit? Cross-linguistic differences in eye-witness memory.

Does eye-witness memory differ depending on the language one speaks? We examined English and Spanish speakers' descriptions of intentional and accidental events, and their memory for the agents of these events. English and Spanish speakers described intentional events similarly, using mostly agentive language (e.g., "She broke the vase"). However, when it came to accidental events English speakers used more agentive language than did Spanish speakers. Results from a non-linguistic memory task mirrored the patterns in language. English and Spanish speakers remembered the agents of intentional events equally well. However, English speakers remembered the agents of accidental events better than did Spanish speakers. Together these findings demonstrate that there are cross-linguistic differences in event descriptions that have important consequences for eye-witness memory.

Subtle linguistic cues influence perceived blame and financial liability.

When bad things happen, how do we decide who is to blame and how much they should be punished? In the present studies, we examined whether subtly different linguistic descriptions of accidents influence how much people blame and punish those involved. In three studies, participants judged how much people involved in particular accidents should be blamed and how much they should have to pay for the resulting damage. The language used to describe the accidents differed subtly across conditions: Either agentive (transitive) or non-agentive (intransitive) verb forms were used. Agentive descriptions led participants to attribute more blame and request higher financial penalties than did nonagentive descriptions. Further, linguistic framing influenced judgments, even when participants reasoned about a well-known event, such as the "wardrobe malfunction" of Super Bowl 2004. Importantly, this effect of language held, even when people were able to see a video of the event. These results demonstrate that even when people have rich established knowledge and visual information about events, linguistic framing can shape event construal, with important real-world consequences. Subtle differences in linguistic descriptions can change how people construe what happened, attribute blame, and dole out punishment. Supplemental results and analyses may be downloaded from http://pbr.psychonomic-journals.org/content/supplemental.

Constructing agency: the role of language.

Is agency a straightforward and universal feature of human experience? Or is the construction of agency (including attention to and memory for people involved in events) guided by patterns in culture? In this paper we focus on one aspect of cultural experience: patterns in language. We examined English and Japanese speakers' descriptions of intentional and accidental events. English and Japanese speakers described intentional events similarly, using mostly agentive language (e.g., "She broke the vase"). However, when it came to accidental events English speakers used more agentive language than did Japanese speakers. We then tested whether these different patterns found in language may also manifest in cross-cultural differences in attention and memory. Results from a non-linguistic memory task showed that English and Japanese speakers remembered the agents of intentional events equally well. However, English speakers remembered the agents of accidents better than did Japanese speakers, as predicted from patterns in language. Further, directly manipulating agency in language during another laboratory task changed people's eye-witness memory, confirming a possible causal role for language. Patterns in one's linguistic environment may promote and support how people instantiate agency in context.