Where can offenders be found when they are not committing crimes? A cross-sectional survey of British police officers on non-crime locations.

To date, the bulk of research on place and crime has concentrated on crime scene locations and home addresses of both victims and perpetrators. Beyond these locations, less is known about where offenders can be found during regular, non-criminal activity. These 'non-crime locations' provide information about offenders' lifestyles, their relationships with co-offenders, their preferred spots, and the places beyond the spatiotemporal boundaries of the crime where they may plan, manage, or deal with the aftermath of their behaviour. Yet there is a lack of systematic evidence, with the available research relying on local ethnographic designs, small samples or both, as access to such data was limited. This study utilises a novel approach by relying on the professional experience of intelligence police officers assigned to deal with serious and organised crime in the West Midlands County of the United Kingdom to determine the whereabouts of three types of non-crime locations: (a) hangout spots, (b) recruitment spots and (c) contraband hideout spots. Results suggest that offenders frequently visit gyms, specific restaurants, or private residences (not unlike locations where normative people hang out), and new members can be recruited anywhere. Drugs and firearms are strategically hidden near vulnerable persons. According to police officers, offenders are unconcerned by surveillance in these spots and choose venues not usually owned by criminal groups. Theoretical, methodological, and practical implications are discussed.

Introduction to the Special Issue: Urban Mobility and Crime Patterns.

This Special Issue is a collection of seven papers that seek to better our understanding of how urban mobility relates to crime patterns, and how day to day movement of people in urban spaces (urban mobility) is related to spatio-temporal patterns of crime. It focusses on urban mobility, or the dynamic movement of people in relation to crime risk. Moreover, it questions how to best measure this risk using an appropriate crime denominator. Building on the work of Sarah Boggs, this special issue contends that we need more than an appropriate denominator related to the type of crime we are measuring, for example violence based on the number of potential victims present (the exposed or ambient population), or the number of burglaries per households in an area, or the number of shoplifting offences per number of shops present. It argues that this denominator needs to be both 'crime type' appropriate, and to be spatially and temporally appropriate. When considering urban mobility as flows of people, the challenge is that the denominator can not be considered as a fixed or static concept, and that we need to consider the 'dynamic denominator' challenge. Indeed, crime hot spots which do not account for dynamic denominators may be misleading for resource prioritisation. This special issue explores a range of potential solutions to this including mobile/cell phone data, transportation data, land use data, and other possible measures to address this.

Risk of Outdoor Rape and Proximity to Bus Stops, Bars, and Residences.

Several researchers have linked the configuration of public places to the risk of sexual attack against women, including rape. Based on the routine activity approach and crime pattern theory, we expect to find the greatest risk of outdoor urban rape near public places that are "target rich," "offender rich," and "guardian poor." We apply the theory to 193 outdoor rape locations in Campinas, Brazil, 2010-2013. We measure distances to the nearest bus stops, bars, and residences, then compare each of these to the distance from random points in the same city. Consistent with theory, outdoor rape victimizations occur disproportionately near bus stops and bars, but at least 250 meters away from the location of the nearest residence of any type. This baseline model suggests that urban planners could make women more secure from outdoor sexual attack by improving the design and location of public places, reducing the concealment of such places, and enhancing guardianship.

Routine activity effects of the Covid-19 pandemic on burglary in Detroit, March, 2020.

The spread of the coronavirus has led to containment policies in many places, with concomitant shifts in routine activities. Major declines in crime have been reported as a result. However, those declines depend on crime type and may differ by parts of a city and land uses. This paper examines burglary in Detroit, Michigan during the month of March, 2020, a period of considerable change in routine activities. We examine 879 block groups, separating those dominated by residential land use from those with more mixed land use. We divide the month into three periods: pre-containment, transition period, and post-containment. Burglaries increase in block groups with mixed land use, but not blocks dominated by residential land use. The impact of containment policies on burglary clarifies after taking land use into account.

Crime Rates in a Pandemic: the Largest Criminological Experiment in History.

The COVID-19 pandemic of 2020 has impacted the world in ways not seen in generations. Initial evidence suggests one of the effects is crime rates, which appear to have fallen drastically in many communities around the world. We argue that the principal reason for the change is the government ordered stay-at-home orders, which impacted the routine activities of entire populations. Because these orders impacted countries, states, and communities at different times and in different ways, a naturally occurring, quasi-randomized control experiment has unfolded, allowing the testing of criminological theories as never before. Using new and traditional data sources made available as a result of the pandemic criminologists are equipped to study crime in society as never before. We encourage researchers to study specific types of crime, in a temporal fashion (following the stay-at-home orders), and placed-based. The results will reveal not only why, where, when, and to what extent crime changed, but also how to influence future crime reduction.

Routine Activities Preceding Adolescent Sexual Abuse of Younger Children.

Adolescent abuse of younger children has long been recognized, but empirical research on the circumstances of this phenomenon is rare. This article examines how adolescent offenders find and gain access to victims, work out time alone with them, and set up or exploit settings for sexual contact. Prior researchers learned that adult sex offenders use certain routine activities to perform these tasks. The current research inquires whether adolescent offenders are similar. We administered Kaufman's Modus Operandi Questionnaire to a sample of 116 Canadian adolescent males undergoing treatment for a sexual offense against a child. Adolescent offenders follow routines similar to adults but are better able to use games and activities as a prelude to sexual abuse. We discuss how routine legal activities set the stage for activities and should be considered when devising situational prevention strategies.

Nightly variation of disorder in a Canadian nightclub.

OBJECTIVE: This paper aims to study nightly disorder within a single bar over an extended period, in order to analyse variations across time (n = 258 nights). METHODS: The security staff of a large Canadian nightclub agreed to note detailed information on every intervention in which they were involved. Bouncers wrote detailed narratives of each incident of aggression and incivility that occurred in the bar. Environmental characteristics (e.g. number of admissions and alcohol sales) were collected by one of the co-authors. RESULTS: "Hot nights" were observed. The number of problem events was particularly high on Tuesday nights, which had the highest number of customers admitted and higher alcohol sales. The average alcohol sale per customer was also higher during long weekends, and alcohol sales were positively related to problem events. Finally, path analyses revealed that the presence of more bouncers was a deterrent. CONCLUSIONS: The level of disorder in a bar varies greatly over time. Contrary to what is often postulated, bars are not always high- or low-risk. The results strongly support responsible alcohol-serving policies and highlight the benefits of adequate surveillance.

Risk of violent crime victimization during major daily activities.

Exposure to risk of violent crime is best understood after considering where people are, what they do, and for how long they do it. This article calculates Americans' exposure to violent attack per 10 million person-hours spent in different activities. Numerator data are from the National Crime Victimization Survey (2003-2008) estimates of violent incidents occurring during nine major everyday activities. Comparable denominator data are derived from the American Time Use Survey. The resulting time-based rates give a very different picture of violent crime victimization risk. Hour-for-hour, the greatest risk occurs during travel between activities. This general result holds for demographic subgroups and each type of violent crime victimization.

Co-offending and the diversification of crime types.

There is theoretical and empirical support for co-offending being important not only for understanding current offending but also subsequent offending. The fundamental question is--why? In this article, an aggregate analysis is performed that begins to answer this question. Disaggregating solo- and co-offending by single year of age (12-29 years) and crime type in a largely metropolitan data set from British Columbia, Canada, 2002 to 2006, it is shown that the distribution of co-offences is significantly more varied than the distribution of solo offences. This more varied distribution of co-offences favors property crimes during youth but fades as offenders age.