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1.
Health Aff (Millwood) ; 42(12): 1697-1705, 2023 Dec.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38048509

ABSTRACT

The two primary narratives that have emerged to explain low COVID-19 vaccine uptake in low- and middle-income countries are constrained accessibility and vaccine hesitancy. However, it is unclear how much each issue contributes to low uptake. This article examines these twin barriers to access. Using global survey data from 15,696 respondents across seventeen Western Pacific and African countries, collected between May 2022 and January 2023, we estimated the unmet demand for vaccines and examined its predictors. We found that among unvaccinated respondents, by the time of the survey, 50 percent had unmet demand-meaning they were still willing to get vaccinated. Rates of unmet demand were highest in African countries and lowest in Western Pacific countries. The perceived accessibility of vaccines and respondents' age and sex were identified as consistent predictors of unmet demand. These issues suggest that inequitable supply continues to play a substantial role in limiting vaccine access. Targeted efforts to increase vaccination rates are necessary, particularly in countries with low coverage and high unmet demand. Policy efforts should address barriers to vaccine access, ensure accessibility and distribution of mRNA vaccines, and aim to overcome vaccine hesitancy-all critical factors in reducing unmet immunization demand and achieving higher vaccination rates across regions.


Subject(s)
COVID-19 , Vaccines , Humans , COVID-19 Vaccines , Developing Countries , COVID-19/prevention & control , Vaccination , Immunization
2.
Vaccine ; 41(50): 7560-7572, 2023 Dec 07.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37977939

ABSTRACT

INTRODUCTION: It is increasingly recognized that regular boosters will be necessary for the continued management of the COVID-19 pandemic. While vaccine hesitancy in the context of the initial COVID-19 vaccinations has been extensively studied, less is known about hesitancy around boosters in the post-pandemic era, where the immediate threat of COVID-19 has diminished. METHODS: Using 5,584 survey responses from people who had received at least one COVID-19 vaccine dose based on a four-round survey between May and November 2022, we examined various factors that affect booster vaccine uptake and the willingness to take an additional shot. Ordinary least squares regressions were conducted to confirm the statistical significance of the findings. RESULTS: Nearly 99% of vaccinated respondents reported having had two COVID-19 vaccine doses, while 69% of respondents reported having received a booster shot (three or more vaccine doses) and 48% reported being willing to get another shot. Booster uptake was strongly increased along with the degree of trust in the Korean Disease Control Agency (KDCA) and was also significantly associated with older age, gender, political propensity, and household income-level. When examining willingness to get an additional shot, the predictors were similar to booster vaccine uptake. However, the effect of trust in the KDCA became more salient. CONCLUSION: The factors associated with booster uptake and willingness to continue to boost are similar to those associated with initial vaccine acceptance in the ROK, namely trust in the public health authority and older age. Despite high initial uptake in the ROK, convincing the public of the continued necessity of routine immunization against COVID-19 may pose challenges in the post-pandemic era.


Subject(s)
COVID-19 , Trust , Humans , COVID-19 Vaccines , Pandemics/prevention & control , COVID-19/epidemiology , COVID-19/prevention & control , Public Health , Vaccination , Republic of Korea/epidemiology
3.
Am J Public Health ; 113(10): 1120-1127, 2023 10.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37471675

ABSTRACT

Objectives. To estimate the impact of communicating to the public that men who have sex with men (MSM) are most at risk for mpox on potential stigmatization and risk perception. Methods. We conducted a survey experiment randomizing exposure to messages about mpox among a sample of the South Korean public (n = 1500) in July 2022. We randomized respondents to receive an informational message about mpox that was (1) a neutral informational message about mpox that did not highlight its origins or risk groups (control group), (2) a message explaining that the virus originated in Africa, or (3) a message emphasizing that MSM are most at risk. Results. We found that emphasizing that MSM are most at risk increases support for policies that would restrict lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender/-sexual, queer or questioning-related events by about 7 percentage points compared with the control condition. However, the message describing African origins did not affect support for restricting travel from Africa. Neither changed risk perceptions or willingness to be vaccinated against mpox. Conclusions. Messages aimed at educating the public about most at-risk groups may trigger increased stigmatization of those groups in ways that could contribute to unnecessary persecution. (Am J Public Health. 2023;113(10):1120-1127. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2023.307347).


Subject(s)
Mpox (monkeypox) , Sexual and Gender Minorities , Female , Humans , Male , Bisexuality , Homosexuality, Male , Surveys and Questionnaires
4.
Soc Sci Med ; 328: 115973, 2023 07.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37257269

ABSTRACT

OBJECTIVE: To buffer the economic impacts of the pandemic-induced economic downturns, the U.S. government passed major economic stimulus bills that provided cash payments to affected citizens and a large boost to unemployment benefits. We ask what impact these enhanced safety-net policies have had on mental health and stress-induced substance use among low-income Americans, especially enhanced unemployment insurance (UI) benefits, which constituted a large economic transfer to those eligible. METHODS: Using individual fixed effects analysis of a panel of nearly 900 low-income Americans since the start of the pandemic from the Understanding America Survey, we examine how receipt of enhanced unemployment benefits has impacted the mental health burden and substance use behaviors of low-income Americans. We additionally examine the buffering effect of a set of other safety-net measures (Stimulus, Medicaid, SNAP, TANF, housing assistance, EITC, WIC, and CHIP). RESULTS: We found that job loss, regardless of benefit receipt, was associated with increased stress and decreased average substance use, driven by reduced smoking when compared with those were employed. Yet, when factoring in UI receipt we see that receiving UI was associated with reduced stress, but no impact on depression or substance use. In contrast, those who did not receive UI experienced greater stress compared with those who were employed. Overall, we found that people who remained employed used substances more than people who were unemployed regardless of UI receipt with the exception of drinking. CONCLUSIONS: We conclude that enhanced unemployment offset some of the negative mental health effects of the pandemic and did not increase routine substance use among the unemployed.


Subject(s)
COVID-19 , Substance-Related Disorders , Humans , United States/epidemiology , Mental Health , COVID-19/epidemiology , Unemployment , Pandemics , Substance-Related Disorders/epidemiology
5.
Int J Health Policy Manag ; 12: 7537, 2023.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38618806

ABSTRACT

At its core, political economy analysis involves examination of the relationship between the state and the market. A number of country case studies have emerged in recent years that aim to identify political economy factors facilitating or impeding health sector reforms towards universal coverage. In this commentary, we expand Nannini and colleagues' analysis to elaborate on how political economy analyses can better inform policy design towards more successful reforms in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) by drawing more heavily on improved research design and theory. We suggest three ways that political economy studies could make deeper claims by historicizing analyses, going comparative and/or by grounding findings more deeply in theory.


Subject(s)
Policy , Universal Health Insurance , Humans , Uganda
6.
Soc Sci Med ; 314: 115440, 2022 12.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36332532

ABSTRACT

STUDY GOAL: This study examines the sources of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and refusal in Americans by decomposing different forms of government trust/mistrust including trust in Trump and mistrust in public health institutions. METHODS: Using linear panel regression models with data from 5,446 US adults (37,761 responses) from the Understanding America Survey, the likelihoods of vaccine hesitancy, uptake, and trust in various information sources were examined. RESULTS AND CONCLUSION: We find that the likelihoods of hesitancy and having negative perceptions of COVID-19 vaccines were consistently much higher among PHI mistrusters, showing even a stronger hesitancy than Trump trusters. This tendency has persisted over time, resulting in only 49% of PHI mistrusters having been vaccinated in the most recent survey wave. However, a large portion of PHI mistrusters still trusted physicians, family, and friends. These findings suggest that mistrust in PHIs is a salient predictor of vaccine hesitancy and reduced uptake on its own, which is compounded by trust in Trump.


Subject(s)
COVID-19 , Trust , Adult , Humans , COVID-19 Vaccines/therapeutic use , Public Health , Vaccination Hesitancy , COVID-19/prevention & control
7.
J Health Psychol ; 27(6): 1331-1341, 2022 05.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-34886687

ABSTRACT

Has political polarization undermined the media' informational role during the COVID-19 pandemic? Recent studies show that politicized reporting from conservative media discouraged compliance with COVID-19 guidelines in the U.S. However, greater attention to the 24-hour news cycle may make high-consumption viewers better factually informed regardless of the source. We examine how the extent of media consumption affects people's emotions, attitudes, and behaviors toward the pandemic. With an online survey of 1128 respondents, we found a strong convergence in anxiety and health-protective behaviors in more avid media viewers regardless of media outlet while finding a divergence in attitudes toward specific mitigation strategies.


Subject(s)
COVID-19 , Attitude , COVID-19/prevention & control , Humans , Pandemics/prevention & control , Public Health , SARS-CoV-2 , United States
8.
Glob Public Health ; 16(12): 1793-1803, 2021 12.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-34569902

ABSTRACT

ABSTRACTAlthough the excess male mortality from COVID-19 is well-known, the variations in sex gaps in incidence and mortality across countries and the sources of such variations are not well understood. This study explored the patterns and the sources of variation in the sex gap in COVID-19 incidence and mortality rates across 100 countries where sex-disaggregated cases and deaths were available as of September 2020. Our results show that there is generally a male disadvantage in both incidence and mortality; however, COVID-19 incidence exhibited a lower male disadvantage (1.2 times higher risk for males) than COVID-19 mortality (1.5 times higher risk for males). The extent of male disadvantages in COVID-19 outcomes across countries varied by societal gender inequalities and behavioural factors. Greater gender equality, both socially and behaviourally, was associated with more equal COVID-19 incidence and mortality between men and women. The findings imply that male disadvantages in COVID-19 outcomes, particularly incidence, are socially determined, whereas further investigation is needed to understand behavioural and biological elements yielding a male disadvantage in mortality.


Subject(s)
COVID-19 , Female , Humans , Incidence , Male , Mortality , SARS-CoV-2
10.
Health Aff (Millwood) ; 39(11): 1909-1916, 2020 11.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33136505

ABSTRACT

Recent literature has focused on the impact of the differential adoption by states of the Affordable Care Act's Medicaid expansion. However, additional Medicaid policy dimensions exist where state-level trends in coverage have varied, including eligibility, benefits, and administrative burden, both before and after implementation of the Affordable Care Act.


Subject(s)
Medicaid , Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act , Eligibility Determination , Health Services Accessibility , Humans , Insurance Coverage , United States
11.
SSM Popul Health ; 11: 100573, 2020 Aug.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-32490132

ABSTRACT

BACKGROUND: The Supplementary Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) is a critical lifeline for millions of low-income US families, but some studies suggests that it may inadvertently increase obesity risk. Building on research contesting the SNAP-obesity link, we examine the effect of SNAP participation on BMI among multiyear participants at varying levels of SNAP benefit levels to provide some of the first evidence on the relationship between SNAP participation, state-level SNAP resources, and body weight. We focus on children given the strong links between early-life obesity and later-life health. METHODS: Linking state-level data on SNAP benefit levels with three waves of longitudinal individual-level data from the Child Development Supplement of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, we use child- and state-level fixed effects to examine whether exogenous differences in SNAP benefit allotments influence the relationship between SNAP participation and weight gain. RESULTS: Lower SNAP benefit levels were associated with only modest increases in BMI among children; higher benefit levels showed no association with BMI. CONCLUSIONS: Although concerns that more food assistance promotes obesity have spurred calls for cuts in the SNAP program, we find the opposite - that SNAP participation is associated with an increase in childhood BMI only when benefit levels are low. This study adds to the mounting evidence suggesting that SNAP does not cause obesity. It also contributes to the literature on the political economy of health, especially that pertaining to social policy variation across US states.

12.
SSM Popul Health ; 10: 100472, 2020 Apr.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31788533

ABSTRACT

Socio-economic factors are widely believed to have been an important driver of the transmission of Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) during the West African outbreak of 2014-16, however, studies that have investigated the relationship between socio-economic status (SES) and EVD have found inconsistent results. Using nationally representative household survey data on whether respondents knew a close friend or family member with Ebola, we explore the SES determinants of EVD exposure along individual, household, and community lines in Liberia and Sierra Leone. While we find no overall association between household wealth and EVD exposure, we find that pooled data mask important differences observed within countries with higher wealth households more likely to have been exposed to EVD in Sierra Leone and the opposite relationship in Liberia. Finally, we also generally find a positive association between education and EVD exposure both at the individual and the community levels in the full sample. There is an urgent need to better understand these relationships to examine both why the outbreak spread and to help prepare for future outbreaks.

13.
Health Policy Plan ; 34(Supplement_2): ii18-ii27, 2019 Nov 01.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31723961

ABSTRACT

Development assistance for health (DAH) has increased dramatically over the past two decades, and this increase has led to a debate on the benefits and perverse effects of scaling-up vs scaling back DAH, and the type of interventions DAH should support. Nutrition remains a contested category viewed as essential to achieving primary healthcare objectives but as falling outside of the direct ambit of the health system. Thus, despite the increase in DAH, it continues to remain an underfunded area and little is known about the relationship between aid for nutrition-specific and nutrition-sensitive interventions and the proportion of stunted children across low- and middle-income countries. We hypothesize that as nutrition-specific aid targets local needs of countries and is less fungible than nutrition-sensitive aid, it will contribute more to a reduction in the proportion of stunted children, with the steepest gains among countries that have the highest burden of malnutrition. We use fixed-effects regressions to examine the relationship between the proportion of stunted children and aid for nutrition interventions (specific and sensitive) to 116 low- and middle-income countries (2002-16). We construct our panel using the Creditor Reporting System, Institute of Health Metrics and Evaluation, Food and Agriculture Organization, World Health Organization and World Development indicators databases. We find a one-dollar increase in per capita nutrition-specific aid is associated with a reduction in the proportion of stunted children by 0.004 (P < 0.05). When stratified by burden of malnutrition, a one-dollar increase in per capita nutrition-specific aid to countries with the highest burden of malnutrition is associated with sharper reductions in the proportion of stunted children (0.013, P < 0.01). We also find a significant association for per capita nutrition-sensitive aid and proportion of stunted children when per capita aid for nutrition is lagged by 3 and 4 years (0.0002, P < 0.05), suggesting a long-run association between nutrition-sensitive aid and proportion of stunted children. Our findings suggest that in spite of criticisms that development assistance fails to adequately reach its intended beneficiaries, aid for nutrition has been successful at reducing the proportion of stunted children. Our findings imply a need to scale-up nutrition funding and improve targeting of aid.


Subject(s)
Developing Countries/economics , Global Health , Growth Disorders , Nutrition Policy/economics , Nutritional Status , Child , Child, Preschool , Databases, Factual , Humans , Infant , Infant, Newborn
14.
Health Syst Reform ; 5(3): 209-223, 2019.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31390296

ABSTRACT

The US remains the only high-income country that lacks a universal health financing system and instead relies on a fragmented system with the largest segment of the population receiving health insurance through private, voluntary employer-sponsored health insurance plans. While not "universal" in the sense of being mandatory and tax-financed, through a series of reforms, the US has managed to provide some form of health insurance coverage to 90% of the population. Yet, the high cost of this system, the insufficient coverage afforded to many, and continued concerns about equity have led to calls for a national health insurance program that can reduce costs across the board while providing high-quality coverage for all. Given the policy gridlock at the national level, the states have often sought to achieve universal health financing on their own, but these bills have met with little success so far. Why has the ideal of states as "laboratories of democracy" failed to produce policy change towards national health insurance? This article examines the prospects for the New York Health Act, a single-payer bill that would create a universal health financing plan for all New York State residents. Applying the Political Economy of Health Financing Framework, we analyze the politics of health reform in New York State and identify strategies to overcome opposition to this policy proposal. We find that while a clear political opportunity is in place, the prospects for adoption remain low given the power of symbolic politics and institutional inertia on the reform process.


Subject(s)
Federal Government , Health Care Reform/organization & administration , Healthcare Financing , Politics , Universal Health Insurance/organization & administration , Humans , New York
15.
Int J Health Policy Manag ; 8(5): 261-271, 2019 05 01.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31204442

ABSTRACT

BACKGROUND: The Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) has recently set the ambitious "90-90-90 target" of having 90% of people living with HIV (PLHIV) know their status, receive antiretroviral therapy (ART), and achieve viral suppression by 2020. This ambitious new goal is occurring in a context of global "scale-down" following nearly a decade of heightened investment in HIV prevention and treatment efforts. Arguably international goals spur action, however, setting unrealistic goals that do not take weak health systems and variations in the nature of the epidemic across countries into consideration may set them up for failure in unproductive ways that lead to a decline in confidence in global governance institutions. This study explores how policy actors tasked with implementing HIV programs navigate the competing demands placed upon them by development targets and national politics, particularly in the current context of waning international investments towards HIV. METHODS: To examine these questions, we interviewed 29 key informants comprising health experts in donor organizations and government employees in HIV programs in Pakistan, a country where HIV programs must compete with other issues for attention. Themes were identified inductively through an iterative process and findings were triangulated with various data sources and existing literature. RESULTS: We found both political and governance challenges to achieving the target, particularly in the context of the global HIV scale-down. Political challenges included, low and heterogeneous political commitment for HIV and a conservative legal environment that contributed towards a ban on opiate substitution therapy, creating low treatment coverage. Governance challenges includedstrained state and non-governmental organization (NGO) relations creating a hostile service delivery environment, weak bureaucratic and civil society capacity contributing to poor regulation of the health infrastructure, and resource mismanagement on both the part of the government and NGOs. CONCLUSION: Our findings suggest that in a context of waning international attention to HIV, policy actors on the ground face a number of practical hurdles to achieving the ambitious targets set out by international agencies. Greater attention to the political and governance challenges of implementing HIV programs in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) could help technical assistance agencies to develop more realistic implementation plans.


Subject(s)
HIV Infections/prevention & control , Health Policy , Politics , Substance Abuse, Intravenous/prevention & control , Administrative Personnel , Delivery of Health Care/organization & administration , Government Agencies , HIV Infections/therapy , Humans , Interinstitutional Relations , Interviews as Topic , Pakistan/epidemiology
16.
Am J Public Health ; 109(3): 497-504, 2019 03.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-30676806

ABSTRACT

OBJECTIVES: To examine the relationship between adolescent pregnancy-prevention and sexuality and abstinence-only education funding and adolescent birthrates over time. Also, to determine whether state ideology plays a moderating role on adolescent reproductive health, that is, whether the funding has its intended effect at reducing the number of adolescent births in conservative but not in liberal states. METHODS: We modeled time-series data on federal abstinence-only and adolescent pregnancy-prevention and sexuality education block grants to US states and rates of adolescent births (1998-2016) and adjusted for state-level confounders using 2-way fixed-effects models. RESULTS: Federal abstinence-only funding had no effect on adolescent birthrates overall but displayed a perverse effect, increasing adolescent birthrates in conservative states. Adolescent pregnancy-prevention and sexuality education funding eclipsed this effect, reducing adolescent birthrates in those states. CONCLUSIONS: The millions of dollars spent on abstinence-only education has had no effect on adolescent birthrates, although conservative states, which experience the greatest burden of adolescent births, are the most responsive to changes in sexuality education-funding streams.


Subject(s)
Family Planning Services/economics , Family Planning Services/trends , Pregnancy in Adolescence/prevention & control , Sex Education/economics , Sex Education/trends , Sexual Abstinence , Adolescent , Family Planning Services/statistics & numerical data , Female , Forecasting , Humans , Pregnancy , Sex Education/statistics & numerical data , United States
17.
Milbank Q ; 96(2): 323-368, 2018 06.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-29870116

ABSTRACT

Policy Points: For more than 3 decades, international development agencies have advocated health system decentralization to improve health system performance in low- and middle-income countries. We found little rigorous evidence documenting the impact of decentralization processes on health system performance or outcomes in part due to challenges in measuring such far-reaching and multifaceted system-level changes. We propose a renewed research agenda that focuses on discrete definitions of decentralization and how institutional factors and mechanisms affect health system performance and outcomes within the general context of decentralized governance structures. CONTEXT: Despite the widespread adoption of decentralization reforms as a means to improve public service delivery in developing countries since the 1980s, empirical evidence of the role of decentralization on health system improvement is still limited and inconclusive. This study reviewed studies published from 2000 to 2016 with adequate research designs to identify evidence on whether and how decentralization processes have impacted health systems. METHODS: We conducted a systematic review of peer-reviewed journal articles from the public health and social science literature. We searched for articles within 9 databases using predefined search terms reflecting decentralization and health system constructs. Inclusion criteria were original research articles, low- and middle-income country settings, quantifiable outcome measures, and study designs that use comparisons or statistical adjustments. We excluded studies in high-income country settings and/or published in a non-English language. FINDINGS: Sixteen studies met our prespecified inclusion and exclusion criteria and were grouped based on outcomes measured: health system inputs (n = 3), performance (n = 7), and health outcomes (n = 7). Numerous studies addressing conceptual issues related to decentralization but without any attempt at empirical estimation were excluded. Overall, we found mixed results regarding the effects of decentralization on health system indicators with seemingly beneficial effects on health system performance and health outcomes. Only 10 studies were considered to have relatively low risks of bias. CONCLUSIONS: This study reveals the limited empirical knowledge of the impact of decentralization on health system performance. Mixed empirical findings on the role of decentralization on health system performance and outcomes highlight the complexity of decentralization processes and their systemwide effects. Thus, we propose a renewed research agenda that focuses on discrete definitions of decentralization and how institutional factors and mechanisms affect health system performance and outcomes within the general context of decentralized governance structures.


Subject(s)
Delivery of Health Care/economics , Developing Countries/statistics & numerical data , Health Care Reform/economics , Politics , Quality of Health Care/economics , Evaluation Studies as Topic , Humans , Poverty/statistics & numerical data
18.
Soc Sci Med ; 181: 139-147, 2017 05.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-28395251

ABSTRACT

Anti-smoking campaigns are widely viewed as a success case in public health policy. However, smoking rates continue to vary widely across U.S. states and the success of anti-smoking campaigns is contingent upon states' adoption of anti-smoking policies. Though state anti-smoking policy is a product of a political process, studies of the effect of policies on smoking prevalence have largely ignored how politics shapes policy adoption, which, in turn, impact state health outcomes. Policies may also have different effects in different political contexts. This study tests how state politics affects smoking prevalence both through the policies that states adopt (with policies playing a mediating role on health outcomes) or as an effect modifier of behavior (tobacco control policies may work differently in states in which the public is more or less receptive to them). The study uses publicly available data to construct a time-series cross-section dataset of state smoking prevalence, state political context, cigarette excise taxes, indoor smoking policies, and demographic characteristics from 1995 to 2013. Political ideology is measured using a validated indicator of the ideology of state legislatures and of the citizens of a state. We assess the relationship between state political context and state smoking prevalence rates adjusting for demographic characteristics and accounting for the mediating/moderating role of state policies with time and state fixed effects. We find that more liberal state ideology predicts lower adult smoking rates, but that the relationship between state ideology and adult smoking prevalence is only partly explained by state anti-smoking policies.


Subject(s)
Health Behavior , Health Policy/trends , Politics , Smoking Prevention/trends , Health Policy/economics , Humans , Longitudinal Studies , Prevalence , Smoking/epidemiology , Smoking Prevention/economics , Smoking Prevention/methods , Socioeconomic Factors , State Government , Taxes/economics , Taxes/statistics & numerical data , Nicotiana/adverse effects , United States/epidemiology
19.
Matern Child Health J ; 20(7): 1456-63, 2016 07.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-27010551

ABSTRACT

Objectives To examine relationships between parental perceptions of child weight and overall health, reported lifestyle behaviors and measured body mass index (BMI). Methods Using community-partnered methods, we surveyed families residing in a two census tract area identified for targeted interventions to decrease diabetes related disparities. The survey included demographics, child dietary and physical activity behaviors, and parental perception of child's health and weight. We measured child BMI using a standardized protocol. Results We surveyed parents of 116 children with a mean age of 7 years (range 3-15) with 51 % boys, 74 % Hispanic, and 26 % Black. Over half of the children (55 %) were overweight or obese. Half (50 %) of the parents underestimated their children's weight. Reported daily hours of walking and/or running trended higher (3.6 vs. 2.6 h, p = 0.08) for children perceived to be of normal weight. Parents who correctly estimated their child's weight status reported more hours of daily walking/running than parents who underestimated child weight status, 4.5 versus 2.4 h, p = 0.0002. Parents of healthy weight children were more likely to report that children were in excellent or very good health compared to parents of overweight/obese children, 75 versus 56 % respectively (p = 0.04). We found significant racial/ethnic differences in reported diet and physical activity behaviors and perception of overall health. Conclusions for Practice Parental perceptions of child health and physical activity level may be related to perceptions of their child's weight status. Study findings informed community-based initiatives for reducing diabetes risk among children.


Subject(s)
Exercise , Health Knowledge, Attitudes, Practice/ethnology , Obesity/ethnology , Parents/psychology , Perception , Adult , Black or African American/psychology , Black or African American/statistics & numerical data , Body Mass Index , Child , Child, Preschool , Community-Based Participatory Research , Diabetes Mellitus/prevention & control , Diet , Female , Georgia/epidemiology , Hispanic or Latino/psychology , Hispanic or Latino/statistics & numerical data , Humans , Life Style , Male , Middle Aged , Overweight/ethnology , Rural Population , Socioeconomic Factors , Surveys and Questionnaires
20.
J Biol Chem ; 290(40): 24403-12, 2015 Oct 02.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-26269589

ABSTRACT

Exposure to nicotine alters the trafficking and assembly of nicotinic receptors (nAChRs), leading to their up-regulation on the plasma membrane. Although the mechanism is not fully understood, nicotine-induced up-regulation is believed to contribute to nicotine addiction. The effect of cotinine, the primary metabolite of nicotine, on nAChR trafficking and assembly has not been extensively investigated. We utilize a pH-sensitive variant of GFP, super ecliptic pHluorin, to differentiate between intracellular nAChRs and those expressed on the plasma membrane to quantify changes resulting from cotinine and nicotine exposure. Similar to nicotine, exposure to cotinine increases the number of α4ß2 receptors on the plasma membrane and causes a redistribution of intracellular receptors. In contrast to this, cotinine exposure down-regulates α6ß2ß3 receptors. We also used single molecule fluorescence studies to show that cotinine and nicotine both alter the assembly of α4ß2 receptors to favor the high sensitivity (α4)2(ß2)3 stoichiometry.


Subject(s)
Cotinine/chemistry , Receptors, Nicotinic/chemistry , Animals , Cell Differentiation , Cell Line, Tumor , Cell Membrane/metabolism , Green Fluorescent Proteins/chemistry , HEK293 Cells , Humans , Hydrogen-Ion Concentration , Mice , Microscopy, Fluorescence , Nicotine/chemistry , Protein Subunits/chemistry , Protein Transport , Tobacco Use Disorder/genetics , Up-Regulation
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