ABSTRACT
In the domain of the workplace, burnout appears as an important consequence of stressful events experienced by an individual. But how to define it, and what reality does this concept represent? The benefits of optimism, and particularly of an optimistic explanatory style, have also been demonstrated on a set of other variables such as health, performance and resilience. If an optimistic explanatory style is an important variable, what are the relationships that can be observed with burnout? The purpose of this study is to explore the links that exist between explanatory styles and burnout assuming that there are different types of profiles according to the styles of the individuals, whether they are actually optimistic or pessimistic, or neither one nor the other. Through a cluster analysis, the results of this study revealed: 1) the existence of three different profiles of explanatory styles, ranging from optimistic to pessimistic; and 2) it was indeed possible to associate levels of burnout with the profiles of these styles.
Subject(s)
Burnout, Professional , Burnout, Professional/epidemiology , Cluster Analysis , HumansABSTRACT
INTRODUCTION: Hallucinations are often defined as perceptions when there is no object to perceive. However, clinical practitioners only have access to what their patients tell them about their hallucinations. By cooperating in the construction of a meaning for the hallucination, practitioner and patient can reach a common ground. This "co-construction" produces "hallucinatory stories" that are narratives, which revolve around this phenomenon. This raises the question of where the voices are temporally and spatially in the structure of the narrative. METHODS: Fourteen patients meeting the DSM-IV schizophrenia criteria were included and took part in a filmed standardized interview. The markers of temporal and spatial localization were listed and their occurrence in the narrative calculated (Student t test and Wilcoxon test). RESULT: The results revealed that: a significant difference between the present perfect tenses. There is a distinction between what is happening now and what has happened in the past; a significant difference between the markers of temporal localization such as accomplishment and position. The hallucinatory phenomena repeat themselves. Furthermore, the subjects' judgements concerning the moment at which the hallucinatory phenomenon arises are objective and are accompanied by a temporal reference associated with their story; a significant difference between the markers of spatial localization, with relative positions being preferred. The voices constitute a distinct, autonomous spatial reference for hallucination subjects. CONCLUSION: The narrative makes it possible to give the hallucinatory voices a place in the subject's story. The "hallucinatory stories" represent a transition from the private to the intersubjective world, a way for subjects to appropriate these experiences. When articulated in words, this experience is a product distinct from the self. This distinction between self and non-self, the hallucinating patient and his/her voices, seems to be conveyed in part by the markers of temporal and spatial position.
Subject(s)
Hallucinations/diagnosis , Narration , Schizophrenia/diagnosis , Schizophrenic Language , Schizophrenic Psychology , Social Environment , Time Perception , Adolescent , Adult , Awareness , Ego , Female , Hallucinations/psychology , Hallucinations/therapy , Humans , Judgment , Life Change Events , Male , Mental Recall , Middle Aged , Orientation , Reality Testing , Schizophrenia/therapy , Semantics , Young AdultABSTRACT
The question discussed in the two following experiments concerns the effect of facial expressions on face recognition. Famous and unknown faces with neutral or smiling expression were presented for different inspection durations (15 ms vs 1000 ms). Subjects had to categorize these faces as famous or unknown (Experiment 1), or estimate their degree of familiarity on a rating scale (Experiment 2). Results showed that the smile increased ratings of familiarity for unfamiliar faces (Experiments 1 and 2) and for famous faces (Experiment 2). These data are discussed in the framework of current face-recognition models and are interpreted in terms of social value of the smile. It is proposed that the smiling bias found here acts at the level of the decision process.
