Wisdom and aging.

How is wisdom related to aging? While many people associate wisdom with advanced age, becoming wise clearly requires more than "just" growing old - accumulated life experience is an important foundation for wisdom, but not all highly wise individuals are old and many old individuals are not particularly wise. This article first reviews how wisdom is defined in psychological research, with an emphasis on models of how wisdom develops. Then, recent research is reviewed that looks into (a) the relationship between wisdom and chronological age and (b) wisdom as a resource for coping with age-related challenges. Finally, some general conclusions are drawn and important research gaps are highlighted.

Looking Beyond Linear: A Closer Examination of the Relationship Between Wisdom and Wellbeing.

There has been some controversy about the relationship between wisdom and constructs of the well-being complex. Some wisdom researchers argue that the ability to maintain a high level of well-being, even in the face of very negative experiences, is a core characteristic of wisdom. Other researchers argue that the willingness of wise people to reflect on the darker sides of life might jeopardize well-being. Studies mostly found moderate positive correlations of well-being with self-report wisdom measures and negative, zero, or low positive correlations with open-ended measures of wisdom. This paper tests the hypothesis that the relationship between wisdom and well-being is triangular rather than linear, with highly wise people being high in well-being, but people high in well-being not necessarily being highly wise. A sample of 155 participants (age 23 to 90 years) completed four wisdom measures and three measures from the well-being complex. We analyzed both linear relationships (using correlations) and triangular relationships (using Necessary Condition Analysis). Correlations of well-being with open-ended measures of wisdom were mostly insignificant; correlations with self-report measures of wisdom were mostly significant. However, scatterplots showed the expected triangular relationships and Necessary Condition Analysis indicated medium to large effect sizes for both open-ended and self-report wisdom measures. In sum, our findings show that even if wise individuals think more deeply about difficult aspects of the human existence, they are still able to maintain high levels of well-being.

The Wisdom Researchers and the Elephant: An Integrative Model of Wise Behavior.

This article proposes an integrative model of wise behavior in real life. While current research findings depend considerably on how wisdom is conceptualized and measured, there are strong conceptual commonalities across psychological wisdom models. The proposed model integrates the components of several existing models into a dynamic framework explaining wise behavior. The article first specifies which real-life situations require wisdom and discusses characteristics of wise behavior. The core proposition of the model is that in challenging real-life situations, noncognitive wisdom components (an exploratory orientation, concern for others, and emotion regulation) moderate the effect of cognitive components (knowledge, metacognitive capacities, and self-reflection) on wise behavior. The model can explain the situation specificity of wisdom and the commonalities and differences between personal and general wisdom. Empirically, it accounts for the considerable variation in correlations among wisdom measures and between wisdom measures and other variables. The model has implications for the design of wisdom-fostering interventions and new wisdom measures.

Intelligence and wisdom: Age-related differences and nonlinear relationships.

Using data from two studies, we tested three predictions about the relationship between intelligence and wisdom: (a) Relationships between intelligence and wisdom are "triangular" rather than linear, that is, intelligence is a necessary but not sufficient condition for wisdom; (b) intelligence is primarily related to cognition-focused measures and performance measures of wisdom; (c) the relationship between wisdom and intelligence varies by intelligence domain and age-group. In Study 1, 318 participants from three age-groups (adolescents: 15-20 years; younger adults: 30-40 years; older adults: 60-70 years) completed measures of fluid and crystallized intelligence and the Berlin wisdom paradigm (BWP). Necessary-condition analyses showed "triangular" relationships between intelligence and wisdom. Crystallized intelligence was a necessary condition for wisdom in all age-groups; fluid intelligence was a necessary condition for wisdom in adolescents and young adults below a certain intelligence threshold. In Study 2, a life span sample of 155 participants (Age-group 1: 23-57 years, M = 45.0; Age-group 2: 58-90 years, M = 68.1) completed four measures of wisdom and measures of fluid and crystallized intelligence. Crystallized intelligence was a necessary but not sufficient condition for wisdom as measured by performance measures; fluid intelligence may also be a necessary condition for wisdom in advanced old age. Relationships with self-report measures of wisdom were zero for fluid and moderate and linear for crystallized intelligence. In other words, the role of intelligence for wisdom varies across conceptualizations of wisdom and across life phases. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Recalling youth: Control over reminiscence bump events predicts life satisfaction in midlife.

The reminiscence bump phenomenon is well established: adults in the second half of life remember more events from their youth than from other periods. Almost no research has focused, however, on the adaptive value of the reminiscence bump for adult well-being. Grounded in a life story approach, this research examined whether perceiving that one had control over events from the bump period (compared with other past periods and also one's present life) was related to current life satisfaction. We also investigated whether chronological age moderated these associations. Participants (N = 470; 49-90 years; 59% women) were part of the European Study on Adult Well-being. They briefly reported up to 15 personally significant events from across their entire life. They indicated age at occurrence and rated their perceived control for each reported event. Well-being was assessed with a standard measure of current life satisfaction. Perceived control over the present and covariates including memory valence and current circumstances (i.e., financial security, social living arrangement, number of medications, and mental health) were also measured. Findings indicate that greater perceived control over reminiscence bump events, but not other past events, predicted current life satisfaction in adults in late midlife (i.e., ages 49-60). In contrast, greater present-focused perceived control was associated with life satisfaction in those 62 years and older. The findings are discussed in the context of the life story account of the reminiscence bump. Understanding the adaptive value of recalling one's personal past may require attention to individuals' current life phase. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Wisdom and value orientations: Just a projection of our own beliefs?

OBJECTIVES: This paper investigated which value orientations (1) people associate with wisdom and (2) are actually correlated with measures of wisdom. Conceptions of wisdom suggest benevolence and universalism as likely candidates. METHOD: In Study 1, 160 university students reported their political orientation and completed a value survey for themselves and a very wise person; Study 2 used the same approach with a more diverse sample (N = 187). In Study 3, 170 participants completed a value survey and six measures of wisdom. In Study 4, 356 participants completed a wisdom measure and filled out a value survey for themselves and a very wise person. RESULTS: People consistently believed that wise individuals value benevolence, universalism, and self-direction most; they also imagined wise individuals to be more universalistic but also more respectful of tradition than themselves. Several wisdom measures were uncorrelated with values; the positive correlations that were found were with benevolence, universalism, self-direction, and respect for traditions. CONCLUSIONS: Most people believe that wise individuals are concerned about the well-being of others, have respect for cultural, religious, and individual differences and traditions, and care deeply about self-direction, fairness, and equality as fundamentals of human society. Whether these relationships are also found empirically depends on which measure of wisdom is used.

More on the MORE Life Experience Model: What We Have Learned (So Far).

We have all had difficult times and challenges in our lives, and most of us feel that we learned something from those experiences. At the same time, few people actually become wise in the course of their lives - while most of us become (or remain) well-adapted and happy, generally satisfied, or even bitter or depressed. Why is it that some people, but not others, grow wise over time by learning from life's challenges (Linley & Joseph, 2004)? In the MORE Life Experience Model (Glück & Bluck, 2013), we argued that life challenges are catalysts for the development of wisdom, and that psychological resources crucially influence how people appraise life challenges, how they deal with them, and how they integrate them into their life story as time goes on. Based on the literature on wisdom and growth from challenging experiences, we proposed five resources as important for the development of wisdom: Mastery, Openness, Reflectivity, and Emotion Regulation including Empathy - in short, MORE. Since proposing the model, we have conducted a first empirical test of its predictions. This paper describes our expected and unexpected findings, which provide insights that we integrate to further refine and elaborate the MORE Life Experience Model. First, we describe the theoretical and empirical background of the original model.

Respect, attentiveness, and growth: wisdom and beliefs about good relationships.

OBJECTIVES: Human beings are social entities - our development occurs in and through interaction with others. Thus, it seems likely that relationships influence the development of wisdom, especially long-term intimate relationships in which couples share many important life experiences, and that wisdom, in turn, influences relationships. How wisdom relates to characteristics of intimate relationships has received little attention in the research literature. As a first step in a research program addressing this question, this study analyzed associations between participants' levels of wisdom and their views of a good relationship. DESIGN AND PARTICIPANTS: A sample of 155 individuals aged 23-90 years participated in two sessions including semi-structured qualitative interviews and questionnaires. MEASUREMENTS: The participants were interviewed about their views of a good intimate relationship. Wisdom was measured using a self-report scale and two open-ended performance measures. RESULTS: Wisdom was significantly related to some of the content categories identified in participants' views about a good relationship, although some correlations differed between wisdom measures. Emphasizing the relevance of mutual respect and conscious attention in relationships was related to both performance measures of wisdom. Paying considerate attention to the relationship and viewing it as a chance for personal development were each related to one measure of wisdom. CONCLUSIONS: The results support the notion that wisdom is related to how participants regulate long-term relationships. We consider them as a promising first step in a research program investigating the dynamic interrelation between wisdom and intimate relationships.

How selfish is a thirsty man? A pilot study on comparing sharing behavior with primary and secondary rewards.

Human social interactions in daily life involve sharing various types of rewards. Previous research evolving around issues of selfish versus altruistic behavior indicates that when individuals share rewards like money with powerless others, some are purely selfish while a substantial number shares evenly. It is, however, mostly unknown how they share primary rewards like water, compared to secondary rewards like money. We adopt the widely studied Dictator Game for comparing water to be divided among study participants with a monetary reward. We show that thirsty participants share water more often equally with powerless, anonymous others than they do money. This is the case even when they earned both types of rewards in a preceding task. Results indicate that altruistic behavior is more likely to occur when it comes to sharing primary rewards. The ecologically more valid scenario employed in this study provides initial evidence that the concept of a self-interested homo economicus might not apply to everyday social interactions involving rewards other than money.

Measuring Wisdom: Existing Approaches, Continuing Challenges, and New Developments.

The question how wisdom can best be measured is still open to debate. Currently, there are two groups of wisdom measures: open-ended performance measures and self-report measures. This overview article describes the most popular current measures of wisdom: the Berlin Wisdom Paradigm, the Bremen Wisdom Paradigm, Grossmann's wise-reasoning approach, the Three-Dimensional Wisdom Scale, the Self-Assessed Wisdom Scale, and the Adult Self-Transcendence Inventory. It discusses the specific challenges of both open-ended and self-report approaches with respect to content validity, convergent and divergent validity, concurrent and discriminant validity, and ecological validity. Finally, promising new developments are outlined that may bridge the gap between wisdom as a competence and wisdom as an attitude and increase ecological validity by being more similar to real-life manifestations of wisdom. These new developments include autobiographical approaches and advice-giving paradigms.

and the Wisdom to Know the Difference: Scholarly Success From a Wisdom Perspective.

What makes a researcher wise? At least for the field of psychology, I argue that the two main characteristics of scholarly wisdom are a desire to understand, rather than to be right, and an orientation toward ethical values. These characteristics do not necessarily produce the highest levels of academic success. Because wisdom is partly context dependent, the actual wisdom of our scientific output could be increased by making some changes to our publication and evaluation culture-changes that might benefit our field and even the world around us.

What Do You Think You Are Measuring? A Mixed-Methods Procedure for Assessing the Content Validity of Test Items and Theory-Based Scaling.

The valid measurement of latent constructs is crucial for psychological research. Here, we present a mixed-methods procedure for improving the precision of construct definitions, determining the content validity of items, evaluating the representativeness of items for the target construct, generating test items, and analyzing items on a theoretical basis. To illustrate the mixed-methods content-scaling-structure (CSS) procedure, we analyze the Adult Self-Transcendence Inventory, a self-report measure of wisdom (ASTI, Levenson et al., 2005). A content-validity analysis of the ASTI items was used as the basis of psychometric analyses using multidimensional item response models (N = 1215). We found that the new procedure produced important suggestions concerning five subdimensions of the ASTI that were not identifiable using exploratory methods. The study shows that the application of the suggested procedure leads to a deeper understanding of latent constructs. It also demonstrates the advantages of theory-based item analysis.

Hard-earned wisdom: Exploratory processing of difficult life experience is positively associated with wisdom.

Laypersons and experts believe that wisdom is cultivated through a diverse range of positive and negative life experiences. Yet, not all individuals with life experience are wise. We propose that one possible determinant of growth in wisdom from life experience is self-reflection. In a life span sample of adults (N = 94) ranging from 26 to 92 years of age, we examined wisdom's relationship to self-reflection by investigating "why" people report reflecting on the past (i.e., reminiscence functions) and "how" they reflect within autobiographical memories of difficult life events (i.e., autobiographical reasoning). We assessed wisdom using self-report, performance, and nomination approaches. Results indicated that wisdom was unrelated to the frequency of self-reflection; however, wiser people differed from others in their (a) reasons for reminiscence and (b) mode of autobiographical reasoning. Across 3 methods for assessing wisdom, wisdom was positively associated with exploratory processing of difficult life experience (meaning-making, personal growth), whereas redemptive processing (positive emotional reframing, event resolution) was positively associated with adjustment. This study suggests that developmental pathways in the wake of adversity may be partially determined by how individuals self-reflectively process significant life experiences. (PsycINFO Database Record

"Gratitude is with me all the time": how gratitude relates to wisdom.

OBJECTIVES: This study investigated the relationship of gratitude to wisdom. Both constructs are conceptually related to self-reflectivity, but they differ in their emphasis on extrapersonal resources. Previous wisdom research has focused mainly on intrapersonal capacities. METHOD: In Study 1, 47 wisdom nominees and 47 control participants were interviewed about their most difficult and best life event and filled out a questionnaire on sources of gratitude. Study 2 was a quantitative study (N = 443) of the relationship between a wisdom scale and scale measures and individual sources of gratitude. RESULTS: Significantly more wisdom nominees expressed feelings of gratitude spontaneously in their interview. Wisdom nominees reported gratitude for their life in general, religion, and partner more often than control participants. In Study 2, wisdom was related to all gratitude scales and to similar sources of gratitude as in Study 1. Both studies found gender differences in gratitude but not wisdom. DISCUSSION: Two important implications of these findings are that wisdom entails an appreciation of life and its experiences, especially the growth opportunities that may result from negative events, and that there may be substantial differences between male and female pathways to wisdom.

How to measure wisdom: content, reliability, and validity of five measures.

Wisdom is a field of growing interest both inside and outside academic psychology, and researchers are increasingly interested in using measures of wisdom in their work. However, wisdom is a highly complex construct, and its various operationalizations are based on quite different definitions. Which measure a researcher chooses for a particular research project may have a strong influence on the results. This study compares four well-established measures of wisdom-the Self-Assessed Wisdom Scale (Webster, 2003, 2007), the Three-Dimensional Wisdom Scale (Ardelt, 2003), the Adult Self-Transcendence Inventory (Levenson et al., 2005), and the Berlin Wisdom Paradigm (Baltes and Smith, 1990; Baltes and Staudinger, 2000)-with respect to content, reliability, factorial structure, and construct validity (relationships to wisdom nomination, interview-based wisdom ratings, and correlates of wisdom). The sample consisted of 47 wisdom nominees and 123 control participants. While none of the measures performed "better" than the others by absolute standards, recommendations are given for researchers to select the most suitable measure for their substantive interests. In addition, a "Brief Wisdom Screening Scale" is introduced that contains those 20 items from the three self-report scales that were most highly correlated with the common factor across the scales.

Who knows who is wise? Self and peer ratings of wisdom.

OBJECTIVES: This study investigated relationships between three measures of wisdom: self-ratings, peer ratings, and a self-report scale. We expected to find a zero or negative correlation between the self-rating and the average peer rating and low positive correlations of both to the self-report scale. We also tested whether there would be more convergence among measures in the top scorers. METHOD: A total of 179 members of 17 university departments were rated by their department colleagues with respect to wisdom; about half of them also rated themselves and filled out a wisdom self-report scale (Three-Dimensional Wisdom Scale [3D-WS]; Ardelt, M. (2003)). RESULTS: There were no significant relationships among the three measures of wisdom, neither in the total sample nor among the top scorers. DISCUSSION: Depending on the focus of research, peer ratings may be a more suitable measure of wisdom than self-report scales or performance measures.

Individual differences in wisdom conceptions: relationships to gratitude and wisdom.

Previous research has shown that most laypeople hold one of two typical conceptions of wisdom--a cognitive or an integrative conception. The current study extends previous research by including a qualitative assessment of people's views of what wisdom is and how it develops, and by relating wisdom conceptions are related to levels of wisdom and gratitude. A sample of 443 young adults rated the relevance of cognitive, reflective, and affective aspects for wisdom. Cluster analyses confirmed the two typical wisdom conceptions: a primarily cognitive view of wisdom and a view emphasizing the integration of cognition, reflection, and affect. The two groups also differed in freely-generated characteristics of wisdom and its development. Additionally, the integrative conception was more frequent in individuals with higher levels of gratitude and wisdom. In sum, laypeople's conceptions of wisdom vary along similar lines as those of wisdom psychologists.

Laypeople's conceptions of wisdom and its development: cognitive and integrative views.

OBJECTIVES: This study examined individual differences in laypeople's conceptions of wisdom using a person-oriented approach, as previous studies using a priori group variables may have underestimated the variability. Although there is a tradition of examining people's implicit theories of wisdom, this study is the first to also investigate their views of how wisdom develops. METHODS: A total of 1955 participants rated the importance of 8 items concerning what wisdom is and 9 items concerning how wisdom develops. RESULTS: Cluster analyses identified 2 conceptions of what wisdom is. Participants with a "cognitive conception" rated cognitive and reflective characteristics as central to wisdom; participants with an "integrative conception" additionally endorsed affective characteristics. Conceptions varied by age and sex. Concerning the development of wisdom, participants with a cognitive conception viewed learning from experiences and from wise persons as central; participants with an integrative conception rated experience with life challenges as equally important. DISCUSSION: Laypeople's views of wisdom are not unitary, and the way in which wisdom is viewed is related to how it is seen as developing in a person's life. These empirical differences in implicit theories of wisdom map onto theoretical differences in the views of wisdom researchers.