The shape of the change: Cumulative and incremental changes in daily mood during mobile-app-supported mindfulness training.

Understanding of the exact trajectories of mood improvements during mindfulness practice helps to optimize mindfulness-based interventions. The Mindfulness-to-Meaning model expects mood improvements to be linear, incremental, and cumulative. Our findings align with this expectation. We used multilevel growth curve models to analyze daily changes in positive mood reported by 190 Polish participants during 42 days of a mobile-app-supported, mindfulness-based intervention. The daily positive mood increased among 83.68% of participants. Participants who started the training reported worse mood improved more and faster than participants with better mood at the baseline. Dispositional mindfulness and narcissism - individual difference variables associated with high vs. low emotion regulation ability, respectively - were not associated with mood improvement trajectories. A small group of participants (16.32%) showed a steady decline in positive mood during the intervention. The results underscore the importance of a more comprehensive understanding of individual variability in benefiting from mindfulness-based interventions.

Mindful-Gratitude Practice Reduces Prejudice at High Levels of Collective Narcissism.

This research tested the hypothesis that mindful-gratitude practice attenuates the robust association between collective narcissism and prejudice. In Study 1 (a between-subjects study using a nationally representative sample of 569 Polish adults; 313 female), 10 min of mindful-gratitude practice-compared to mindful-attention practice and control-did not decrease prejudice (anti-Semitism), but weakened the positive link between collective narcissism and prejudice. In Study 2 (a preregistered, randomized, controlled-trial study using a convenience sample of 219 Polish adults; 168 female), a 6-week mobile app supported training in daily mindful-gratitude practice decreased prejudice (anti-Semitism, sexism, homophobia, anti-immigrant sentiment) and its link with collective narcissism compared to a wait-list control. The hypothesis-consistent results emphasize the social relevance of mindful-gratitude practice, a time- and cost-effective intervention.

App-based mindfulness training supported eudaimonic wellbeing during the COVID19 pandemic.

A randomized-controlled-trial study (N = 219) tested two pre-registered hypotheses that mobile-phone app-based mindfulness training improves wellbeing and increases self-transcendent emotions: gratitude, self-compassion, and awe. Latent change score modeling with a robust maximum likelihood estimator was used to test how those changes are associated in the training versus the waiting-list group. The training increased wellbeing and all self-transcendent emotions regardless of interindividual variance in the changes across time. Changes in all self-transcendent emotions were positively associated with changes in wellbeing. The strength of those associations was comparable in the waiting-list group and the training group. More studies are needed to test whether the effects of mindfulness practice on wellbeing are driven by increases in self-transcendent emotions. The study was conducted over 6 weeks during the COVID19 pandemic. The results indicate that the mindfulness training can be an easily accessible effective intervention supporting eudaimonic wellbeing in face of adversity.

Social identity threat across group status: Links to psychological well-being and intergroup bias through collective narcissism and ingroup satisfaction.

OBJECTIVE: Through two correlational studies (Study 1: Turkish majority, Kurdish minority; Study 2: White British majority; Black minority), we examined the implications of social identity threat for majority and minority ethnic group members' psychological well-being and intergroup bias, using a social identity framework that incorporates the recently highlighted distinction between narcissistic and non-narcissistic positive evaluation of the ingroup (i.e., collective narcissism and ingroup satisfaction, respectively). METHOD: Online questionnaires were completed by 397 Turkish nationals (265 ethnic Turks and 132 ethnic Kurds, Mage = 32.81, SD = 11.67) in Study 1 and 351 British individuals (163 White and 188 Black British; Mage = 31.47, SD = 10.84) in Study 2. RESULTS: Social identity threat was consistently associated with collective narcissism among all ethnic groups, whereas it was either unrelated or related negatively to ingroup satisfaction. Collective narcissism was positively associated with intergroup bias among both majority and minority groups. Unexpectedly, ingroup satisfaction was also related to greater bias particularly among majority members. In all groups, ingroup satisfaction (but not collective narcissism) was directly associated with greater psychological well-being. CONCLUSIONS: Findings highlight the importance of exploring the narcissistic component of positive ingroup evaluation to provide a more nuanced understanding of the relationships between social identity threat and personal well-being, as well as intergroup bias. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

An interpretation of meta-analytical evidence for the link between collective narcissism and conspiracy theories.

Meta-analytical evidence indicates the robust association between collective narcissism and conspiracy theories is moderated by the content of conspiracy theories. Belief in conspiracies of specific outgroups fits collective narcissistic posture of intergroup hostility but collective narcissism is also bound to other conspiracy theories because it simultaneously comprises a committed belief (that the ingroup is great) and a threatening belief (that the ingroup is unrecognized). This creates compensatory motivations to believe in conspiracy theories that protect the committed belief and to seize on any conspiracy theory as a meaning-making activity. Collective narcissism and conspiracy theories may also co-occur because they serve to coordinate undemocratic leaders and their constituencies. They produce threatening environments that justify coercion, violence and undemocratic governance.

Distress and retaliatory aggression in response to witnessing intergroup exclusion are greater on higher levels of collective narcissism.

The negative consequences of personal exclusion have been demonstrated by multiple studies. Less is known about the consequences of witnessing one's own group being excluded by other groups, although studies suggest exclusion can be experienced vicariously and negatively affects members of the excluded group. Results of the present lab-based experiment (N = 153) indicate, in line with our predictions, that witnessing intergroup exclusion (a national majority excluded by a minority, manipulated by an adapted intergroup Cyberball paradigm) produced a sense of personal exclusion. It also increased self-reported distress and behavioral aggression measured in the Taylor Aggression Paradigm), especially among participants high on collective narcissism: a belief that the exaggerated greatness of the in-group is not sufficiently appreciated by others. Contrary to expectations, a short mindful decentration intervention (instructing participants to observe thoughts and emotions as transient mental products without engaging with them) delivered while participants were witnessing intergroup exclusion (vs. inclusion) produced changes in heart rate variability reactivity indicative of emotional arousal, especially among collective narcissists. We concluded that collective narcissism is associated with distress in the face of intergroup exclusion, aggressive retaliation, and in consequence, it is a risk-factor predisposing group members to stress-related health and psychosocial problems. Furthermore, a mindful decentration, despite being an effective strategy to reduce maladaptive stress in most people, may be counterproductive in addressing high collective narcissists' responses to threat to the in-group's image.

Superficial ingroup love? Collective narcissism predicts ingroup image defense, outgroup prejudice, and lower ingroup loyalty.

We examined the associations between the need for personal control, different types of ingroup commitment, and group-related outcomes: (1) defensive responses to ingroup criticism, (2) ingroup disloyalty, and (3) outgroup attitudes. We assumed that collective narcissism (i.e., a belief in ingroup's greatness which is contingent on external validation and stems from frustrated individual needs) should be concerned with defending the ingroup image and derogating outgroups, but not necessarily with being loyal to the ingroup. Secure ingroup identification (i.e., a confidently held ingroup evaluation, which stems from satisfied needs), in contrast, should predict greater ingroup loyalty and positive outgroup attitudes. We expected these effects to be especially strong once we account for the overlap between collective narcissism and group-level self-investment - a key component of ingroup identification. In a nationally representative sample of Polish adults (n = 1,007), collective narcissism (net of group-level self-investment) mediated between low personal control and ingroup image defense, lower group loyalty, and less positive outgroup attitudes. Secure ingroup identification (group-level self-investment net of collective narcissism) mediated between high personal control and ingroup loyalty and positive outgroup attitudes. It was not associated with ingroup image defense. Implications for understanding the role of identification in inter- and intra-group relations are discussed.

Low self-esteem predicts out-group derogation via collective narcissism, but this relationship is obscured by in-group satisfaction.

According to social identity theory, low self-esteem motivates group members to derogate out-groups, thus achieving positive in-group distinctiveness and boosting self-esteem. According to the Frankfurt School and status politics theorists, low self-esteem motivates collective narcissism (i.e., resentment for insufficient external recognition of the in-group's importance), which predicts out-group derogation. Empirical support for these propositions has been weak. We revisit them addressing whether (a) low self-esteem predicts out-group derogation via collective narcissism and (b) this indirect relationship is only observed after partialing out the positive overlap between collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction (i.e., belief that the in-group is of high value and a reason to be proud). Results based on cross-sectional (Study 1, N = 427) and longitudinal (Study 2, N = 853) designs indicated that self-esteem is uniquely, negatively linked to collective narcissism and uniquely, positively linked to in-group satisfaction. Results based on cross-sectional (Study 3, N = 506; Study 4, N = 1,059; Study 5, N = 471), longitudinal (Study 6, N = 410), and experimental (Study 7, N = 253) designs corroborated these inferences. Further, they revealed that the positive overlap between collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction obscures the link between self-esteem and out-group derogation. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Collective Narcissism and In-Group Satisfaction Predict Opposite Attitudes Toward Refugees via Attribution of Hostility.

We examined whether and why collective narcissism (i.e., resentment for insufficient recognition of the in-group's importance) versus in-group satisfaction (i.e., a belief that the in-group and one's membership in it are reasons to be proud) have opposite, unique associations with hostility toward Syrian refugees in Poland. Results of two cross-sectional studies (Study 1, N = 1066 and Study 2, N = 419) converge to indicate that collective narcissism predicts hostility toward Syrian refugees via attributing Syrian refugees with hostile intentions toward Poles. In-group satisfaction is associated with rejection of hostile actions toward Syrian refugees because it decreases hostile attribution bias with regards to Syrian refugees. Thus, being a satisfied member of a national group promotes tolerance toward refugees, while collective narcissism is associated with blaming refugees for provoking the in-group's hostility.

Collective Narcissism and In-Group Satisfaction Are Associated With Different Emotional Profiles and Psychological Wellbeing.

The social identity approach to wellbeing posits that social identifications provide psychological resources that contribute to individual wellbeing. Unless individuals identify with stigmatized groups or groups whose norms prescribe damaging behaviors, identifying with groups seems beneficial. This article explores the possibility that the different ways individuals approach the same social identity (labeled collective narcissism vs. in-group satisfaction) may be differentially associated with wellbeing. Results of four studies indicate that collective narcissism (a belief that the in-group's exceptionality is not sufficiently appreciated by others) vs. in-group satisfaction, (a belief that the in-group is of a high value), although positively correlated, are associated with different emotional profiles. In Study 1A (N = 570, in Poland) and Study 1B (N = 778, in the United States), collective narcissism was uniquely positively associated with negative emotionality, whereas in-group satisfaction was positively associated with positive emotionality and negatively associated with negative emotionality. In Study 2 (N = 569, in Poland), collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction had opposite unique links with social connectedness, gratitude and self-criticism. In Study 3 (N = 393, in Poland), collective narcissism, but not in-group satisfaction, was associated with sensory processing sensitivity, genetically determined hypersensitivity to negative stimuli. Collective narcissism was associated with life satisfaction only via its link to in-group satisfaction. Together these results suggest that dispositional negative emotionality may incline individuals toward collective narcissism. The positive overlap with in-group satisfaction may link collective narcissism to the benefits of social identification and wellbeing.

Corrigendum: Yoga Poses Increase Subjective Energy and State Self-Esteem in Comparison to 'Power Poses'.

[This corrects the article on p. 752 in vol. 8, PMID: 28553249.].

The Relationship between the Brexit Vote and Individual Predictors of Prejudice: Collective Narcissism, Right Wing Authoritarianism, Social Dominance Orientation.

The Leave campaign in the U.K., which advocated exiting the European Union, emphasized anxiety over immigration and the need to take control of the U.K.'s borders. Citizens who expressed concerns about immigration to the U.K. were more likely to vote to leave. Two correlational studies examined the previously unexplored question of whether the Brexit vote and support for the outcome of the E.U. referendum were linked to individual predictors of prejudice toward foreigners: British collective narcissism (a belief in national greatness), right wing authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation. The results converged to indicate that all three variables were independently related to the perceived threat of immigrants and, via this variable, to the Brexit vote and a support for the outcome of the E.U. referendum. These variables explained the variance in the perceived threat of immigrants and support for the Brexit vote over and above other previously examined predictors such as age, education, or ethnicity, as well as, national identification and national attachment.

Yoga Poses Increase Subjective Energy and State Self-Esteem in Comparison to 'Power Poses'.

Research on beneficial consequences of yoga focuses on the effects of yogic breathing and meditation. Less is known about the psychological effects of performing yoga postures. The present study investigated the effects of yoga poses on subjective sense of energy and self-esteem. The effects of yoga postures were compared to the effects of 'power poses,' which arguably increase the sense of power and self-confidence due to their association with interpersonal dominance (Carney et al., 2010). The study tested the novel prediction that yoga poses, which are not associated with interpersonal dominance but increase bodily energy, would increase the subjective feeling of energy and therefore increase self-esteem compared to 'high power' and 'low power' poses. A two factorial, between participants design was employed. Participants performed either two standing yoga poses with open front of the body (n = 19), two standing yoga poses with covered front of the body (n = 22), two expansive, high power poses (n = 21), or two constrictive, low power poses (n = 20) for 1-min each. The results showed that yoga poses in comparison to 'power poses' increased self-esteem. This effect was mediated by an increased subjective sense of energy and was observed when baseline trait self-esteem was controlled for. These results suggest that the effects of performing open, expansive body postures may be driven by processes other than the poses' association with interpersonal power and dominance. This study demonstrates that positive effects of yoga practice can occur after performing yoga poses for only 2 min.

'They will not control us': Ingroup positivity and belief in intergroup conspiracies.

This research examined the role of different forms of positive regard for the ingroup in predicting beliefs in intergroup conspiracies. Collective narcissism reflects a belief in ingroup greatness contingent on others' recognition. We hypothesized that collective narcissism should be especially likely to foster outgroup conspiracy beliefs. Non-narcissistic ingroup positivity, on the other hand, should predict a weaker tendency to believe in conspiracy theories. In Study 1, the endorsement of conspiratorial explanations of outgroup actions was positively predicted by collective narcissism but negatively by non-narcissistic ingroup positivity. Study 2 showed that the opposite effects of collective narcissism and non-narcissistic ingroup positivity on conspiracy beliefs were mediated via differential perceptions of threat. Study 3 manipulated whether conspiracy theories implicated ingroup or outgroup members. Collective narcissism predicted belief in outgroup conspiracies but not in ingroup conspiracies, while non-narcissistic ingroup positivity predicted lower conspiracy beliefs, regardless of them being ascribed to the ingroup or the outgroup.

Threats to Feminist Identity and Reactions to Gender Discrimination.

The aim of this research was to examine conditions that modify feminists' support for women as targets of gender discrimination. In an experimental study we tested a hypothesis that threatened feminist identity will lead to greater differentiation between feminists and conservative women as victims of discrimination and, in turn, a decrease in support for non-feminist victims. The study was conducted among 96 young Polish female professionals and graduate students from Gender Studies programs in Warsaw who self-identified as feminists (Mage = 22.23). Participants were presented with a case of workplace gender discrimination. Threat to feminist identity and worldview of the discrimination victim (feminist vs. conservative) were varied between research conditions. Results indicate that identity threat caused feminists to show conditional reactions to discrimination. Under identity threat, feminists perceived the situation as less discriminatory when the target held conservative views on gender relations than when the target was presented as feminist. This effect was not observed under conditions of no threat. Moreover, feminists showed an increase in compassion for the victim when she was portrayed as a feminist compared to when she was portrayed as conservative. Implications for the feminist movement are discussed.

Collective narcissism moderates the effect of in-group image threat on intergroup hostility.

Results of 4 experiments demonstrated that under in-group image threat collective narcissism predicts retaliatory intergroup hostility. Under in-group criticism (vs. praise) collective narcissists expressed intention to harm the offending out-group but not other, nonoffending out-groups. This effect was specific to collective narcissism and was replicated in studies that accounted for the overlap between collective narcissism and individual narcissism, in-group positivity (in-group identification, blind and constructive patriotism), social dominance orientation, and right wing authoritarianism. The link between collective narcissism and retaliatory intergroup hostility under in-group image threat was found in the context of national identity and international relations and in the context of a social identity defined by university affiliation. Study 4 demonstrated that the relationship between collective narcissism and intergroup hostility was mediated by the perception of in-group criticism as personally threatening. The results advance our understanding of the mechanism driving the link between collective narcissism and intergroup hostility. They indicate that threatened egotism theory can be extended into the intergroup domain.