People who use drugs' prioritization of regulation amid decriminalization reforms in British Columbia, Canada: A qualitative study.

BACKGROUND: North America and the province of British Columbia (BC), Canada, is experiencing an unprecedented number of overdose deaths. In BC, overdose has become the leading cause of death for people between the ages of 10-59 years old. In January 2023, BC decriminalized personal possession of a number of illegal substances with one aim being to address overdose deaths through stigma reduction and promoting access to substance use services. METHODS: We conducted a qualitative study to understand people who use drugs' (PWUD) perceptions of the new decriminalization policy, immediately prior to its' implementation (October-December 2022). To contextualize decriminalization within broader drug policy, we also asked PWUD what they perceived as the priority issues drug policy ought to address and the necessary solutions. Our final sample included 38 participants who used illegal drugs in the past month. RESULTS: We identified four themes: 1) The illicit drug supply as the main driver of drug toxicity deaths 2) Concerns about the impact of decriminalization on drug toxicity deaths 3) Views towards decriminalization as a policy response in the context of the drug toxicity crisis 4) Regulation as a symbol of hope for reducing drug toxicity deaths. CONCLUSION: From our data it became clear that many anticipated that decriminalization would have minimal or no impact on the overdose crisis. Regulation was perceived as the necessary policy approach for effectively and candidly addressing the drivers of the ongoing overdose crisis. These findings are important as jurisdictions consider different approaches to moving away from prohibition-based drug policy.

Awareness and knowledge of drug decriminalization among people who use drugs in British Columbia: a multi-method pre-implementation study.

BACKGROUND: In January 2023, British Columbia implemented a three-year exemption to Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, as granted by the federal government of Canada, to decriminalize the personal possession of small amounts of certain illegal drugs. This decriminalization policy, the first in Canada, was announced in response to the overdose emergency in British Columbia as a public health intervention that could help curb overdose deaths by reducing the impact of criminalization and increasing access to health and social services through stigma reduction. METHODS: The current multi-method study examines people who use drugs' awareness and knowledge of British Columbia's decriminalization model through cross-sectional quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews among people who use drugs from September-November 2022, immediately prior to the implementation of decriminalization. RESULTS: Quantitative findings show that two-thirds (63%) of people who use drugs were aware of the policy, but substantial knowledge gaps existed about the legal protections afforded (threshold amount, substances included, drug trafficking, confiscation). The qualitative findings suggest that people who use drugs misunderstood the details of the provincial decriminalization model and often conflated it with regulation. Results suggest that information sharing about decriminalization were minimal pre-implementation, highlighting areas for knowledge dissemination about people who use drugs' rights under this policy. CONCLUSIONS: Given that decriminalization in British Columbia is a new and landmark reform, and that the success of decriminalization and its benefits may be undermined by poor awareness and knowledge of it, efforts to share information, increase understanding, and empower the community, may be required to promote its implementation and benefits for the community.

Decriminalization thresholds for drug possession: A multi-criteria policy analysis framework.

BACKGROUND: Decriminalization of personal possession of drugs has been proposed as an approach to mitigate the harms of drug prohibition. Despite growing interest, particularly in Canadian settings, analyses of approaches to defining the parameters of what constitutes personal possession within decriminalization models are lacking. Using the Province of British Columbia, Canada, as a case study, we undertook an evidence-based multi-criteria policy analysis of three models for defining personal possession: 1) a model that defines personal possession as the absence of evidence of drug trafficking; 2) a cumulative threshold of 15 grams; and 3) a cumulative threshold of 2.5 grams. METHODS: We utilized data from four sources: qualitative interviews with 16 experts, including representatives from government and law enforcement; Vancouver Police drug seizure data; self-reported drug consumption data from longitudinal cohorts of people who use drugs in Vancouver; and publicly available government documents (e.g., the Government of BC's submission for decriminalization). Data was used to identify and define evaluation criteria which reflect the stated policy objectives of decriminalization alongside other policy considerations. This framework was used to conduct a multi-criteria policy analysis of the three different models. RESULTS: The seven evaluation criteria included: 1) reduction in interactions with police; 2) reduction of police drug seizures; 3) coverage for those with high consumption; 4) impact on equity-deserving groups; and acceptance on the part key stakeholders, including: 5) people who use drugs; 6) law enforcement; and 7) the public. The model that performed the best was the cumulative threshold model of 15 grams. CONCLUSION: Findings highlight that different threshold models advance and constrain the stated policy objectives of drug decriminalization to varying degrees. This analysis provides a framework that other jurisdictions considering decriminalization could use to help inform determinations of threshold levels based on stated policy objectives.

"2.5 g, I could do that before noon": a qualitative study on people who use drugs' perspectives on the impacts of British Columbia's decriminalization of illegal drugs threshold limit.

BACKGROUND: In May 2022, Health Canada approved a three-year exemption from the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act decriminalizing possession of certain illegal substances for personal use among adults in the province of British Columbia. The exemption explicitly includes a cumulative threshold of 2.5 g of opioids, cocaine, methamphetamine, and MDMA. Threshold quantities are commonly included in decriminalization policies and justified within law enforcement systems to delineate personal use among people who use drugs versus drug dealers who are carrying for trafficking purposes. Understanding the impact of the 2.5g threshold can help define the extent to which people who use drugs will be decriminalized. METHODS: From June-October 2022, 45 people who use drugs from British Columbia were interviewed to gain an understanding of their perceptions on decriminalization, particularly on the proposed threshold of 2.5 g. We conduced descriptive thematic analyses to synthesize common interview responses. RESULTS: Results are displayed under two categories: 1) Implications for substance use profiles and purchasing patterns, including implications on the cumulative nature of the threshold and impacts on bulk purchasing, and 2) Implications of police enforcement, including distrust of police use of discretion, potential for net widening and jurisdictional discrepancies in enforcing the threshold. Results illustrate the need for the decriminalization policy to consider diversity in consumption patterns and frequency of use among people who use drugs, the inclination to purchase larger quantities of substances for reduced costs and to guarantee a safe and available supply, and the role police will play in delineating between possession for personal use or trafficking purposes. CONCLUSIONS: The findings underscore the importance of monitoring the impact of the threshold on people who use drugs and whether it is countering the goals of the policy. Consultations with people who use drugs can help policymakers understand the challenges they may face when trying to abide by this threshold.

Sociometric network analysis in illicit drugs research: A scoping review.

BACKGROUND: Sociometric or whole network analysis, a method used to analyze relational patterns among social actors, emphasizes the role of social structure in shaping behaviour. Such method has been applied to many aspects of illicit drug research, including in the areas of public health, epidemiology, and criminology. Previous reviews about social networks and drugs have lacked a focus on the use of sociometric network analysis for illicit drugs research across disciplines. The current scoping review aimed to provide an overview of the sociometric network analysis methods used in illicit drugs research and to assess how such methods could be used for future research. METHODS: A systematic search of six databases (Web of Science, ProQuest Sociology Collection, Political Science Complete, PubMed, Criminal Justice Abstracts, and PsycINFO) returned 72 relevant studies that met the inclusion criteria. To be included, studies had to mention illicit drugs and use whole social network analysis as one of their methods. Studies were summarized quantitatively and qualitatively using a data-charting form and a description of the studies' main topics. RESULTS: Sociometric network analysis in illicit drugs research has grown in popularity in the last decade, using mostly descriptive network metrics, such as degree centrality (72.2%) and density (44.4%). Studies were found to belong to three study domains. The first, drug crimes investigated network resilience and collaboration patterns in drug trafficking networks. The second domain, public health, focused on the social networks and social support of people who use drugs. Finally, the third domain focused on the collaboration networks of policy, law enforcement, and service providers. CONCLUSION: Future illicit drugs research using whole network SNA should include more diverse data sources and samples, incorporate mixed and qualitative methods, and apply social network analysis to study drug policy.

The challenges, opportunities and strategies of engaging young people who use drugs in harm reduction: insights from young people with lived and living experience.

The meaningful inclusion of young people who use or have used drugs is a fundamental aspect of harm reduction, including in program design, research, service provision, and advocacy efforts. However, there are very few examples of meaningful and equitable engagement of young people who use drugs in harm reduction, globally. Youth continue to be excluded from harm reduction programming and policymaking; when they are included, they often face tokenistic efforts that lack clear expectations, equitable work conditions, and are rarely afforded agency and autonomy over decision-making. In this commentary, we identify and discuss issues in youth engagement, and offer recommendations for the future of harm reduction.

"There are solutions and I think we're still working in the problem": The limitations of decriminalization under the good Samaritan drug overdose act and lessons from an evaluation in British Columbia, Canada.

BACKGROUND: Drug prohibition has been associated with increased risk of overdose. However, drug prohibition remains the dominant drug policy, including in Canada with the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act. In 2017, the Good Samaritan Drug Overdose Act (GSDOA) was enacted, to encourage people to contact emergency medical services by providing bystanders at the scene of an overdose with legal protection for simple possession and conditions related to simple possession. METHODS: We conducted an evaluation of the GSDOA in British Columbia, Canada that included one-on-one interviews with people who use illicit drugs (PWUD), to determine peoples' experiences and perceptions surrounding this form of decriminalization. We present findings from a thematic analysis of 37 interviews. RESULTS: We identified limitations of the GSDOA at overdose events; key themes and concerns causing PWUD to hesitate to or avoid contacting emergency medical services included drug confiscation, the thin line between simple possession and drug trafficking, and enforcement of other charges and court ordered conditions that are not legally protected by the GSDOA. Moreover, participants discussed the GSDOA as inequitable; benefiting some while excluding PWUD with intersecting marginalized identities. CONCLUSION: Our findings are pertinent in light of many jurisdictions across the world considering dejure decriminalization, including BC and Vancouver. The GSDOA and associated limitations that emerged in our evaluation can serve to guide jurisdictions implementing or amending dejure decriminalization policies.

Awareness and knowledge of the Good Samaritan Drug Overdose Act among people at risk of witnessing an overdose in British Columbia, Canada: a multi-methods cross sectional study.

INTRODUCTION: Bystanders to drug overdoses often avoid or delay calling 9-1-1 and cite fear of police involvement as a main reason. In 2017, the Good Samaritan Drug Overdose Act (GSDOA) was enacted by the Canadian government to provide people present at an overdose with legal protection from charges for simple drug possession, and conditions stemming from simple possession. Few studies have taken a multi-methods approach to evaluating the GSDOA. We used quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews to explore awareness, understanding, and perceptions of the GSDOA in people at risk of witnessing an overdose. METHODS: Quantitative cross-sectional surveys and qualitative telephone interviews were conducted with adults and youth at risk of witnessing an overdose across British Columbia. Cross-sectional survey participants were recruited at 19 Take Home Naloxone sites and online through Foundry. Multivariable logistic regression models were constructed hierarchically to determine factors associated with GSDOA awareness. Telephone interview participants were recruited by research assistants with lived/living experience of substance use. Deductive and inductive thematic analyses were conducted to identify major themes. RESULTS: Overall, 52.7% (n = 296) of the quantitative study sample (N = 453) reported being aware of the GSDOA. In multivariable analysis, cellphone possession (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 2.19; 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.36, 3.54) and having recently witnessed an opioid overdose (AOR = 2.34; 95% CI 1.45, 3.80) were positively associated with GSDOA awareness. Young adults (25 - 34 years) were more likely to be aware of the Act (AOR = 2.10; 95% CI 1.11, 3.98) compared to youth (16-24 years). Qualitative interviews (N = 42) revealed that many overestimated the protections offered by the GSDOA. To increase awareness and knowledge of the Act among youth, participants recommended adding the GSDOA to school curricula and using social media. Word of mouth was suggested to reach adults. CONCLUSION: Both awareness and knowledge of the GSDOA remain low in BC, with many overestimating the protections the Act offers. Dissemination efforts should be led by people with lived/living experience and should target those with limited awareness and understanding of the Act as misunderstandings can erode trust in law enforcement and harm reduction policy.

Total systems failure: police officers' perspectives on the impacts of the justice, health, and social service systems on people who use drugs.

BACKGROUND: Police in Canada have become main responders to behavioural health concerns in the community-a role that disproportionately harms people who use drugs (PWUD). Recent calls to defund the police emphasize the need to shift responsibility for non-criminal health issues from police to health and social services. This study explores the role of police interactions in responding to PWUD within the broader institutional and structural contexts in which they operate. METHODS: We conducted a qualitative thematic analysis of interviews with sixteen police officers across nine jurisdictions in British Columbia, Canada. We examined police officers' everyday policing experiences interacting with PWUD, enforcing drug laws, and working alongside other service sectors. RESULTS: Officers explained that the criminal justice system is one component of a wider network of systems that collectively fail to meet the needs of PWUD. They recognized that PWUD who interact with police often experienced intersecting structural vulnerabilities such as poverty, homelessness, and intergenerational trauma. Harmful drug laws in conjunction with inadequate treatment and housing resources contributed to a funnelling of PWUD into interactions with police. They provided several recommendations for reform including specialized health and justice roles, formalized intersectoral collaboration, and poverty reduction. CONCLUSIONS: Overall, this study provides unique insights into the positioning and role of police officers within a "total systems failure" that negatively impact PWUD. Police have become responders-by-default for issues that are fundamentally related to people's health conditions and socioeconomic circumstances. Addressing failures across the health, social, and justice systems to meet the needs of PWUD will require an examination of the shortcomings across these systems, as well as substantial funding and system reforms.

Young People Who Use Drugs Views Toward the Power and Authority of Police Officers.

Many young people who use drugs are structurally vulnerable to policing powers given the ongoing criminalization of drug possession. Police authority limits and the expression of that authority may play a significant role in police encounters among young people who use drugs. This qualitative study explores the views of young people who use drugs toward police power and authority in their recent encounters with police officers. Interviews were conducted with 38 young people who recently used illegal drugs in British Columbia, Canada. We found five interrelated themes related to perceptions of police authority: (1) skepticism and distrust toward authority; (2) paternalism and authority over drug use; (3) officer use of force; (4) police as power-hungry; and (5) officers above the law. Participants described police authority as limitless, unpredictable, untethered, easily abused, and lacking accountability. Participants feared holding police officers accountable to power abuses in a criminal justice system that they saw as stacked against them. Moving forward, institutional reforms may consider and account for the expression, limits, and use of police authority among young people who use drugs and other structurally vulnerable communities.

The details of decriminalization: Designing a non-criminal response to the possession of drugs for personal use.

Internationally, policymakers are considering alternative, non-criminal responses to the possession of drugs for personal use, or 'simple possession'. We show that 'decriminalization' is not a simple, unified model; rather, there are meaningful differences in policies and options available as part of a non-criminal response. Responses include various decriminalization, diversion, and depenalization approaches. However, what details need to be considered in developing these approaches? In this paper, we eschew these labels and present an overview of key design features of non-criminal responses to simple possession and consider some of the equity considerations of the choices available, including reform architecture (the objectives and legal framework); eligibility criteria (population-, place-, and drug-based criteria); and actions taken (deterrence, therapeutic, and enforcement strategies). This paper does not evaluate individual features or models, but instead offers a practical framework that can be used to deliberate on potential reform decisions.

Guideline development in harm reduction: Considerations around the meaningful involvement of people who access services.

Background: Harm reduction seeks to minimizes the negative effects of drug use while respecting the rights of people with lived and living experience of substance use (PWLLE). Guideline standards ("guidelines for guidelines") provide direction on developing healthcare guidelines. To identify essential considerations for guideline development within harm reduction, we examined whether guideline standards are consistent with a harm reduction approach in their recommendations on involving people who access services. Methods: We searched the literature from 2011-2021 to identify guideline standards used in harm reduction and publications on involving PWLLE in developing harm reduction services. We used thematic analysis to compare their guidance on involving people who access services. Findings were validated with two organizations of PWLLE. Results: Six guideline standards and 18 publications met inclusion criteria. We identified three themes related to involving people who access services: Reasons for Involvement, Methods of Involvement, and Factors in Success. Subthemes varied across the literature. We identified five essential considerations for guideline development in harm reduction: establishing a shared understanding of reasons for involving PWLLE; respecting their expertise; partnering with PWLLE to ensure appropriate engagement; incorporating perspectives of populations disproportionately affected by substance use; and securing resources. Conclusion: Guideline standards and the harm reduction literature approach the involvement of people who access services from different perspectives. Thoughtful integration of the two paradigms can improve guidelines while empowering PWLLE. Our findings can support the development of high-quality guidelines that align with the fundamental principles of harm reduction in their involvement of PWLLE.

Simple possession as a 'tool': Drug law enforcement practices among police officers in the context of depenalization in British Columbia, Canada.

BACKGROUND: Examining drug law enforcement practices in the context of an evolving drug policy environment is critical for informing policy reforms and practices as they unfold. In this study, we aimed to examine police officer accounts of drug law enforcement practices, including officer use of discretion in simple possession cases, within the sociolegal context in British Columbia, Canada. METHODS: Using a qualitative approach, we conducted a thematic analysis of interviews with sixteen police officers across nine jurisdictions in the province. The analysis provided insights into police officers' recent experiences enforcing drug laws. Two major themes and several subthemes are presented which relate to drug law enforcement practices within the context of depenalization. FINDINGS: Officers' experiences and views towards simple possession enforcement suggested a model of de facto depenalization in the province, although enforcement practices including police discretion were inconsistent across officers and jurisdictions. Prosecutorial discretion was a major factor that shaped officers' enforcement practices. While officers reported not pursuing simple possession offences, many used simple possession charges as a 'tool' to do investigations, pursue other charges, and to promote social order. CONCLUSION: This study provides unique insights into drug law enforcement in an evolving sociolegal context, highlighting the potential inconsistencies, inequities, and harms that may arise from relying on a model of depenalization. In the face of drug law reforms both in Canada and elsewhere, these findings have important implications regarding the design and implementation of alternatives, such as depenalization, decriminalization, and diversion programs, which may potentially rely on, remove, and/or enhance police discretion. Where drug possession is formally decriminalized, police officers may need alternative enforcement 'tools' to support their work moving forward.

Police officers' knowledge, understanding and implementation of the Good Samaritan Drug Overdose Act in BC, Canada.

INTRODUCTION: In May 2017, the Good Samaritan Drug Overdose Act (GSDOA) was enacted in Canada - amending the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act. For people present at an overdose, the GSDOA offers legal protection from simple drug possession as well as breach of charges related to simple possession including probation, pre-trial release, conditional sentences, and parole. It is unclear if the GSDOA has been fully implemented by police officers. METHODS: We conducted 22 key informant interviews with police officers across British Columbia, Canada. Convenience sampling was initially employed, followed by purposeful sampling to ensure diversity in jurisdictions and participant demographics (e.g. age, sex, policing experience). A thematic analysis was conducted RESULTS: Our findings show that awareness and knowledge of the GSDOA vary among police officers. Many officers reported being unaware of the GSDOA or could not correctly define for whom and when the GSDOA applies. Information about the GSDOA was largely disseminated via email. Many officers expressed concerns with this dissemination method given the potential that key legal information would be overlooked. Police officers reported that not arresting for simple possession at an overdose was common practice, even before the enactment of the GSDOA. Thus, some officers did not believe that the GSDOA considerably changed police practices. Finally, police officers reported that they exercised discretion applying the GSDOA. Police officer interpretation of the intention and content of the GSDOA had critical implications for how they applied it in practice. CONCLUSION: Effective education for law enforcement, including the dissemination of information beyond email, is needed to improve officers' awareness and understanding of the GSDOA. Given officers' use of discretion when applying the GSDOA, greater legal reforms, such as de jure decriminalization, may be required to fully protect persons at an overdose from simple possession for controlled substances.

Event-level outcomes of police interactions with young people in three non-metropolitan cities across British Columbia, Canada.

This study examines encounters between youth and police to identify individual, contextual, and social factors that predict the outcome of these encounters. Young people aged 16-30 years were surveyed between May 2017 and June 2018 in three non-metropolitan cities across British Columbia, Canada. Outcomes were analysed using multinomial logistic generalized estimating equations. A total of 675 encounters were reported by 360 participants. These outcomes resulted in participants being questioned (n = 227; 33.6%); given warnings (n = 132; 19.6%); being searched (n = 104; 15.4%); being given a ticket (n = 101; 15.0%); and being handcuffed or arrested (n = 111; 16.4%). Young Indigenous people (vs. white) were significantly more likely to be handcuffed or arrested (OR=3.26; 1.43, 7.43). Statistical significance held after adjusting for history of police encounters and contextual factors. Findings suggest that police discretion, which has the potential to benefit youth, may be undermined by discriminatory applications of discretion.

"It's an emotional roller coaster But sometimes it's fucking awesome": Meaning and motivation of work for peers in overdose response environments in British Columbia.

BACKGROUND: The province of British Columbia (BC), Canada is amid dual public health emergencies in which the overdose epidemic declared in 2016 has been exacerbated by restrictions imposed by the Coronavirus Disease of 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. Experiential workers, commonly known as 'peers' (workers with past or present drug use experience) are at the forefront of overdose response initiatives and are essential in creating safe spaces for people who use drugs (PWUD) in harm reduction. Working in overdose response environments can be stressful, with lasting emotional and mental health effects. There is limited knowledge about the personal meaning that experiential workers derive from their work, which serve as motivators for them to take on these often-stressful roles. METHODS: This project used a community-based qualitative research design. The research was based at two organizations in BC. Eight experiential worker-led focus groups were conducted (n = 31) where participants spoke about their roles, positive aspects of their jobs, challenges they face, and support needs in harm reduction work. Transcripts were coded and analyzed using interpretative description to uncover the meaning derived from experiential work. RESULTS: Three themes emerged from focus group data that describe the meanings which serve as motivators for experiential workers to continue working in overdose response environments: (1) A sense of purpose from helping others; (2) Being an inspiration for others, and; (3) A sense of belonging. CONCLUSION: Despite the frequent hardships and loss that accompany overdose response work, experiential workers identified important aspects that give their work meaning. These aspects of their work may help to protect workers from the emotional harms associated with stressful work as well as the stigma of substance use. Recognizing the importance of experiential work and its role in the lives of PWUD can help inform and strengthen organizational supports.

The legal regulation of drugs and role of government: Perspectives from people who use drugs.

BACKGROUND: The legalization and regulation of currently illicit drugs has come to the forefront of drug policy debates in recent years, particularly in the context of cannabis legalization and the opioid crisis in North America. However, sufficient granularity on the various aspects of a legally regulated drug supply is missing from these debates. Further, the voices and opinions of people who use drugs have generally been absent from drug law reform deliberations. This study aimed to examine the views of people who use drugs and who are deeply impacted by drug policies to understand the perceived impacts and role of government under a legalized-regulated market. METHODS: Four focus groups were held with people who use drugs in Sydney, Australia. RESULTS: Most participants supported various models of legalization, although the perspectives on these models were diverse. Overriding these views was skepticism over the government's role in regulating a legal market, as well as concern for the personal agency of people who use drugs under a medically regulated drug supply model. Some participants discussed potential harms (e.g. increases in use and initiation), but emphasized the benefits (e.g. increases in quality and safety) from legal reform. DISCUSSION: While there was support for legal models of drug supply regulation, findings have major implications in terms of how governments and medical systems may perpetuate the oppression of people who use drugs through regulation, and urge future drug policy deliberations to include broader perspectives from the affected community.

"It's like super structural" - Overdose experiences of youth who use drugs and police in three non-metropolitan cities across British Columbia.

INTRODUCTION: Youth who use drugs (YWUD) are vulnerable to experience or encounter drug related overdose deaths. Fentanyl has increased the risks, calling greater attention to overdose. In response, there have been increases in harm reduction services and policies such as the Good Samaritan Drug Overdose Act (GSDOA) which exempts people who witness an overdose and call 9-1-1 from being charged for possession of drugs. However, fear of police continues to be a barrier to calling 9-1-1. This paper focuses on the experiences of youth with police in overdose situations and their knowledge of GSDOA. METHODS: Youth, aged 16-30, who had used drugs at least weekly, and had encountered police in the past year were recruited between May 2017 and June 2018 in three non-metropolitan cities in British Columbia, Canada. 38 participants completed qualitative interviews asking them about their experiences with police, overdose, decisions to call 9-1-1, and their understanding of the GSDOA. Their responses were coded in NVIVO and analyzed using interpretive description. RESULTS: For many YWUD in this study, overdoses are an ever-present part of their lives and fear of fentanyl has left them concerned for themselves and others. Negative experiences occurred when police used their power without benefit to youth or were rough or disrespectful, without care for the person overdosing. Youth saw police in a positive light if they were compassionate, stepping aside for paramedics or reviving someone experiencing an overdose. Youth had very mixed knowledge of the GSDOA and were concerned about criminalization if they called 9-1-1. CONCLUSIONS: Collaboration with police and local stakeholders is required to address the concerns of YWUD and to increase awareness and penetration of policies such as the GSDOA. Changes to policing cultures that prioritize health rather than criminalize YWUD may increase youth's trust of police and increase calls to 9-1-1.

Peer engagement barriers and enablers: insights from people who use drugs in British Columbia, Canada.

OBJECTIVES: Globally, engaging people who have used drugs, or peers, in decision-making has been increasingly touted as a best practice approach to developing priorities, programs, and policies. Peer engagement ensures decisions are relevant, appropriate, and effective to the affected community. However, ensuring that inclusion is accessible and equitable for those involved remains a challenge. In this study, we examined the perspectives of people who use or have used illicit drugs (PWUD) on peer engagement in health and harm reduction settings across British Columbia (BC), Canada. METHODS: The Peer Engagement and Evaluation Project used a participatory approach to conducting 13 peer-facilitated focus groups (n = 83) across BC. Focus group data were coded and analyzed with five peer research assistants. Themes about the nature of peer engagement were generated. From this analysis, peer engagement barriers and enablers were identified. RESULTS: Barriers to peer engagement included individual, geographical, systemic, and social factors. Issues related to stigma, confidentiality, and mistrust were intensely discussed among participants. Being "outed" in one's community was a barrier to engagement, particularly in rural areas. Participants voiced that compensation, setting, and the right people help facilitate and motivate engagement. Peer networks are an essential ingredient to engagement by promoting support and advocacy. CONCLUSION: PWUD are important stakeholders in decisions that affect them. This cross-jurisdictional study investigated how PWUD have experienced engagement efforts in BC, identifying several factors that influence participation. Meaningful engagement can be facilitated by attention to communication, relationships, personal capacity, and compassion between peers and other professionals.