Surrogacy relationships: a critical interpretative review.

Based on a critical interpretative review of existing qualitative research investigating accounts of 'lived experience' of surrogates and intended parents from a relational perspective, this article proposes a typology of surrogacy arrangements. The review is based on the analysis of 39 articles, which belong to a range of different disciplines (mostly sociology, social psychology, anthropology, ethnology, and gender studies). The number of interviews in each study range from as few as seven to over one hundred. Countries covered include Australia, Canada, Greece, India, Iran, Israel, Italy, Mexico, Norway, Russia, Sweden, UK, Ukraine, and the USA. Most studies focus only on surrogacy practices in one country (although often with intended parents from other countries), and some include several countries (e.g. interviewees from several countries or fieldwork in different field-sites). The proposed typology goes beyond the division between altruistic versus commercial, and traditional versus gestational surrogacy, in order to inform further research and to contribute to bioethical and policy debates on surrogacy in a transnational context. Four types of relations are identifiable: open, restricted, structured, and enmeshed. The criteria which influence these relationships are: the frequency and character of contact pre- and post-birth; expectations of both parties; the type of exchange involved in surrogacy arrangements; and cultural, legal, and economic contexts. The theoretical contribution of the article is to further the development of a relational justice approach to surrogacy.

Autonomy in altruistic surrogacy, conflicting kinship grammars and intentional multilineal kinship.

Since 1982, when the first baby conceived by in-vitro fertilization (IVF) in Sweden was born, Swedish legislation on assisted reproduction has gradually become more liberal and inclusive. Today, gamete donation and IVF are permitted not only for heterosexual couples, but also for lesbian couples and single women, and embryo donation is expected to become legalized shortly which will further increase the chances for involuntarily childless people to become parents. In recent years, the possibility of allowing surrogacy has been debated increasingly, with strongly polarized arguments both for and against it. Recent reports by the Swedish National Council of Medical Ethics and a governmental investigation agreed that the possibilities for involuntarily childless people should be increased in several ways, but reached opposing conclusions concerning surrogacy. While the former argued in favour of it (in certain circumstances), the latter argued against it (in all circumstances). One difference in their argumentation centred around the issue of bodily autonomy and self-determination in surrogacy. These two opposing conclusions raise crucial questions about what the principle of reproductive intent implies for questions concerning reproductive autonomy in surrogacy. Does it matter when in the reproductive process the declaration of intent is made, and what happens if we consider the possibility of changing intentions in relation to autonomy and self-determination in surrogacy? Is the mater est rule compatible with an intersectional, queer and non-discriminatory approach to reproductive justice, and if so, under what circumstances? Are there any possibilities of thinking beyond the 'either/or' between these two principles?

Reproducing politics: the politicisation of patients' identities and assisted reproduction in Poland and Sweden.

This article examines how discourses on assisted reproductive technologies are locally appropriated, translated or contested in the specific cultural and political contexts of Poland and Sweden. The aim is to investigate how two national patients' organisations, namely the Polish association Nasz Bocian and the Swedish organisation Barnlängtan, articulate rights claims in the context of reproductive technologies. To this end, we investigate how these organisations utilise specific context-dependent and affectively laden political vocabularies in order to mobilise politically, and discuss how each of these two groups gives rise to a different set of politicised reproductive identities. In order to trace which political vocabularies the respective organisations utilise to mobilise their respective rights claims, we draw primarily on political discourse theory and concepts of political grammars and empty signifiers. Lastly, we discuss which political reproductive identities emerge as a result of these different versions of political mobilisation around assisted reproductive technologies.