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1.
BMC Infect Dis ; 10: 290, 2010 Oct 04.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-20920339

ABSTRACT

BACKGROUND: Used in conjunction with biological surveillance, behavioural surveillance provides data allowing for a more precise definition of HIV/STI prevention strategies. In 2008, mapping of behavioural surveillance in EU/EFTA countries was performed on behalf of the European Centre for Disease prevention and Control. METHOD: Nine questionnaires were sent to all 31 member States and EEE/EFTA countries requesting data on the overall behavioural and second generation surveillance system and on surveillance in the general population, youth, men having sex with men (MSM), injecting drug users (IDU), sex workers (SW), migrants, people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA), and sexually transmitted infection (STI) clinics patients. Requested data included information on system organisation (e.g. sustainability, funding, institutionalisation), topics covered in surveys and main indicators. RESULTS: Twenty-eight of the 31 countries contacted supplied data. Sixteen countries reported an established behavioural surveillance system, and 13 a second generation surveillance system (combination of biological surveillance of HIV/AIDS and STI with behavioural surveillance). There were wide differences as regards the year of survey initiation, number of populations surveyed, data collection methods used, organisation of surveillance and coordination with biological surveillance. The populations most regularly surveyed are the general population, youth, MSM and IDU. SW, patients of STI clinics and PLWHA are surveyed less regularly and in only a small number of countries, and few countries have undertaken behavioural surveys among migrant or ethnic minorities populations. In many cases, the identification of populations with risk behaviour and the selection of populations to be included in a BS system have not been formally conducted, or are incomplete. Topics most frequently covered are similar across countries, although many different indicators are used. In most countries, sustainability of surveillance systems is not assured. CONCLUSION: Although many European countries have established behavioural surveillance systems, there is little harmonisation as regards the methods and indicators adopted. The main challenge now faced is to build and maintain organised and functional behavioural and second generation surveillance systems across Europe, to increase collaboration, to promote robust, sustainable and cost-effective data collection methods, and to harmonise indicators.


Subject(s)
HIV Infections/transmission , Public Health Administration/standards , Sexual Behavior/statistics & numerical data , Sexually Transmitted Diseases/transmission , Europe , Female , Humans , Male , Population Surveillance/methods , Surveys and Questionnaires
2.
AIDS Care ; 21 Suppl 1: 3-12, 2009.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-22380973

ABSTRACT

This paper provides an overview of the arguments for the central role of families, defined very broadly, and we emphasise the importance of efforts to strengthen families to support children affected by HIV and AIDS. We draw on work conducted in the Joint Learning Initiative on Children and AIDS's Learning Group 1: Strengthening Families, as well as published data and empirical literature to provide the rationale for family strengthening. We close with the following recommendations for strengthening families to ameliorate the effects of HIV and AIDS on children. Firstly, a developmental approach to poverty is an essential feature of responses to protect children affected by HIV and AIDS, necessary to safeguard their human capital. For this reason, access to essential services, such as health and education, as well as basic income security, must be at the heart of national strategic approaches. Secondly, we need to ensure that support garnered for children is directed to families. Unless we adopt a family oriented approach, we will not be in a position to interrupt the cycle of infection, provide treatment to all who need it and enable affected individuals to be cared for by those who love and feel responsible for them. Thirdly, income transfers, in a variety of forms, are desperately needed and positively indicated by available research. Basic economic security will relieve the worst distress experienced by families and enable them to continue to invest in the health care and education of their children. Lastly, interventions are needed to support distressed families and prevent knock-on negative outcomes through programmes such as home visiting, and protection and enhancement of children's potential through early child development efforts.


Subject(s)
Child Welfare , Child of Impaired Parents/statistics & numerical data , Child, Orphaned/statistics & numerical data , Family Health , HIV Infections/epidemiology , Stress, Psychological/epidemiology , Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome/epidemiology , Adolescent , Child , Child Development , Child Welfare/economics , Child, Preschool , Family Health/economics , Female , Financial Support , HIV Infections/economics , HIV Infections/rehabilitation , Health Services Accessibility , Health Services Needs and Demand , Humans , Income , Infant , Male
3.
AIDS Care ; 21 Suppl 1: 43-8, 2009.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-22380978

ABSTRACT

Migration is very often a family affair, and often involves children, directly or indirectly. It may give rise to better quality of life for an entire family, or to bitter disappointment, and may also increase vulnerability to HIV and AIDS. This review, carried out for the Joint Learning Initiative on Children and AIDS, links the literature on "migration", on "HIV and AIDS" and on "families". Three themes are sketched: (1) As both HIV prevalence and circular migration increase, former migrant workers affected by AIDS may return to their families for care and support, especially at the end of life, often under crisis conditions. Families thus lose promising members, as well as sources of support. However, very little is known about the children of such migrants. (2) Following patterns of migration established for far different reasons, children may have to relocate to different places, sometimes over long distances, if their AIDS-affected parents can no longer care for them. They face the same adaptation challenges as other children who move, but complicated by loss of parent(s), AIDS stigma, and often poverty. (3) The issue of migrant families living with HIV has been studied to some extent, but mainly in developed countries with a long history of migration, and with little attention paid to the children in such families. Difficulties include involuntary separation from family members, isolation and lack of support, disclosure and planning for children's care should the parent(s) die and differences in treatment access within the same family. Numerous research and policy gaps are defined regarding the three themes, and a call is made for thinking about migration, families and AIDS to go beyond description to include resilience theory, and to go beyond prevention to include care.


Subject(s)
Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome/epidemiology , Child Welfare , HIV Seropositivity/epidemiology , Health Services Accessibility/statistics & numerical data , Stress, Psychological/epidemiology , Transients and Migrants , Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome/economics , Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome/therapy , Adolescent , Adult , Africa, Southern/epidemiology , Child , Child Welfare/economics , Child Welfare/statistics & numerical data , Child, Preschool , Family Health , Female , HIV Seropositivity/economics , HIV Seropositivity/therapy , Health Services Accessibility/economics , Humans , Infant , Male , Poverty , Social Adjustment , Social Support , Stress, Psychological/economics , Transients and Migrants/statistics & numerical data , Vulnerable Populations
4.
World health ; 48(6): 18-19, 1995-11.
Article in English | WHO IRIS | ID: who-330279
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