The manipulation of minds:reckoning with the legacy of the american post 9/11 torture program.

In this article, we argue that the government's post 9-11 torture program was a big lie, in that the designers, executors and enablers knew all along that torture does not elicit reliable information. We review the government's own research on the matter, and we discuss the ways in which methods known to be unreliable were implemented, most saliently at the detention facility at Guantánamo Bay. We review the secrecy and propaganda surrounding the scope and horror of the torture program at Guantánamo and black sites around the world, and the painful truth of how the government knowingly adopted the terror policies of the torture program, against their own knowledge, against international human rights, and against the law. On January 20, 2021, Joseph R. Biden, Jr. became the 46th President of the United States, following what might very well have been the most chaotic election in the recent history of the United States. The turmoil reached a peak on Jan 6, 2021, when Trump supporters stormed the Capitol in Washington, DC. At the center of this extended and ongoing political upheaval is what has been labeled "The Big Lie" - the completely disproven notion that Biden's win was based on fraudulent grounds, and that the election was stolen from Trump because of a corrupted voting process. President Biden has consistently rejected reality warping and presents himself on the national stage as a man of reason, and a strong supporter of science. He has proclaimed "Science is discovery. It's not fiction", as he announced that his team of scientific advisors would summon "science and truth" to combat climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic and other challenges facing his new administration, adding "The same laws apply, the same evidence holds true regardless of whether you accept them." President Biden can show his self-proclaimed commitment to truth by following through on his words with action. In particular, he can fulfil the task which his two predecessors, Trump and Obama, both failed to do: Closing the detention facility at Guantánamo Bay. The same United States law and international law apply; the same evidence, or lack thereof holds true for those remaining 38 prisoners being held within the confines of a US-run concentration camp in the Caribbean. The laws of science apply, the rules of evidence apply, and the rule of law applies. Science and truth cannot be situationally applied to suit political agendas, especially not within the confines of a facility once called a "Battle Lab" (Leopold, 2015), where the military touts phrases like "honor bound" and "defend freedom" at the entrance, yet the truths of what goes on inside are withheld from the public record, via the government's complex layers of secrecy, including classification, redactions, and obfuscations. There can be no justice without truth. The system has derailed every effort to bring the suspected 9/11 terrorists to justice before tribunals that have failed and have been derailed by torture. While President Biden can't remove the stain of the national torture policies, he can show that the Constitution endures; that the rule of law prevails, by illuminating the shadowland of the torture regime. Joe Biden needs to demonstrate that truth matters - even painful truths. In this article, we will describe that through a painstaking and laborious process of discovery, we now know that behind the gates of Guantánamo Bay and its related archipelago of black sites there were prisoners, often held on dubious grounds or no reasonable grounds at all. We know that these prisoners were submitted to treatments aimed squarely at generating complete psychological disintegration. As we will lay out in the article, prisoners captured during Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom were subjected to physical violence, sexual violence, and an astonishing array of psychologically abusive tactics under the misnomer 'interrogation'. We also know that the torture program metastasized into a monster, as if lifted from the pages of the most absurd of postmodern fictions, and that the United States has never held anyone accountable, nor faced any reckoning for this disaster of human rights (Senate Select Committee Study of the Central Intelligence Agency Detention and Interrogation Program, 2014). And we know that the disaster that was the torture program was all based on lies, one big lie in particular - that torture worked to break through to truth. The chief argument, which we will defend below, is that the schemers behind the system of torture knew all along that this was bogus; that torture does nothing to produce truth, that what it breaks is a person's autonomy and very selfhood, rendering them compliant in the extreme. Indeed, the CIA and United States military, who both committed war crimes, knew all along that they propagated falsehoods - our main argument is that the historical record shows that the CIA itself has a long history of studying precisely the effect of techniques like those employed post 9/11. As we shall see, the so called architects had no interrogation experience, but were well-versed in communist-based methodologies known to produce false information.

Deception and Lie Detection in the Courtroom: The Effect of Defendants Wearing Medical Face Masks.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, defendants and witnesses (as well as the prosecution and defense counsel) may wear medical face masks to prevent the spread of the virus. Alternatively, courtrooms proceedings may take place virtually. In this article, we discuss how these deviations from normal procedures may affect jurors' lie detection ability and decision-making. Although research addressing this specific question does not exist, we are able to formulate an informed view based on the extensive deception literature. Since nonverbal signs of deception in the face and body are virtually absent, we conclude that medical face mask-wearing or virtual courtroom proceedings will not hamper jurors' lie detection abilities. If jurors can hear the speech well, they may become better at detecting deception if they pay more attention to speech content, which may occur as a result of mask-wearing in the courtroom.

On the importance of a procedurally fair organizational climate for openness to change in law enforcement.

OBJECTIVE: Drawing on recent work in policing and organizational psychology, we examined factors related to openness to organizational change and to adopting evidence-based interview techniques among law enforcement investigators. HYPOTHESES: We hypothesized that a procedurally fair organizational climate would predict outcomes tied to organizational change, mediated by organizational identification and perceived legitimacy. We also predicted that procedural justice factors would be stronger predictors than outcome-oriented factors (i.e., rewards and sanctions). METHOD: Study 1 surveyed law enforcement investigators (N = 711) about their attitudes toward and behaviors within their organization (i.e., perceived procedural fairness of one's organization, identification, legitimacy, compliance, empowerment, and extra-role behavior). Study 2 conceptually extended this survey to interviewers (N = 71) trained in a new, evidence-based interviewing approach adding likelihood of future use of the novel interviewing approach as an outcome. RESULTS: In Study 1, the more investigators thought their organization had a procedurally fair climate, the more they identified with the organization and perceived it as legitimate. Framing compliance, empowerment and extra-role behavior as associated with openness to change, we found that legitimacy predicted compliance and tendency toward extra-role behavior (i.e., going "above and beyond"), while level of identification predicted feelings of empowerment and extra-role behavior. Study 2 partially replicated findings from Study 1 and found that motivation to attend the training also predicted likelihood of future use. CONCLUSIONS: These studies highlight the value of a procedurally just organizational climate framework in understanding law enforcement interrogators' propensity toward implementing new evidence-based interrogation techniques. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Reading Lies: Nonverbal Communication and Deception.

The relationship between nonverbal communication and deception continues to attract much interest, but there are many misconceptions about it. In this review, we present a scientific view on this relationship. We describe theories explaining why liars would behave differently from truth tellers, followed by research on how liars actually behave and individuals' ability to detect lies. We show that the nonverbal cues to deceit discovered to date are faint and unreliable and that people are mediocre lie catchers when they pay attention to behavior. We also discuss why individuals hold misbeliefs about the relationship between nonverbal behavior and deception-beliefs that appear very hard to debunk. We further discuss the ways in which researchers could improve the state of affairs by examining nonverbal behaviors in different ways and in different settings than they currently do.

A room with a view: Setting influences information disclosure in investigative interviews.

Research on embodied cognition and priming show that human behavior is influenced nonconsciously by the environment in metaphoric ways. Previous research has shown that conceptual priming can lead people to disclose sensitive information (Davis, Soref, Villalobos, & Mikulincer, 2016; Dawson, Hartwig, & Brimbal, 2015). Here, we sought to examine whether concepts of openness can be activated to promote disclosure within the interview itself, through the physical setting. In two laboratory studies, participants were exposed to details of a mock environmental terrorism conspiracy through a courier task, which they were subsequently interviewed about in different settings. In Study 1, participants were interviewed in either a room designed to activate openness, or a prototypically enclosed, bare custodial interview room. In Study 2, we manipulated both architectural and interior features of both rooms. Challenging the status quo that a small room is optimal for investigative interviewing, our findings offer compelling evidence that the spaciousness of an interview room can influence a person's tendency to be "open" with or "closed" about information. (PsycINFO Database Record

Interviewing to elicit information: Using priming to promote disclosure.

Research on implicit cognition has found that activating mental concepts can lead people to behave in ways that are consistent with the primed concept. In a pilot study we tested the effects of priming attachment security on the accessibility of disclosure-related concepts. Subsequently, we tested whether activating disclosure concepts by priming attachment security would influence people's forthcomingness. Participants (N = 102) delivered a flash drive to a confederate who exposed them to details of a mock eco terrorism conspiracy, which they were subsequently interviewed about. Before being interviewed, half of the participants were primed; the other half were not. Results showed that primed participants disclosed significantly more information than those who were not primed. Our findings highlight the need for further research on basic nonconscious processes in investigative interviews, as such influences can affect the outcome of the interview. The operation of nonconscious influences in such contexts has implications for practitioners, who may be able to utilize priming to facilitate disclosure.

Interviewing strategically to elicit admissions from guilty suspects.

In this article we introduce a novel interviewing tactic to elicit admissions from guilty suspects. By influencing the suspects' perception of the amount of evidence the interviewer holds against them, we aimed to shift the suspects' counterinterrogation strategies from less to more forthcoming. The proposed tactic (SUE-Confrontation) is a development of the Strategic Use of Evidence (SUE) framework and aims to affect the suspects' perception by confronting them with statement-evidence inconsistencies. Participants (N = 90) were asked to perform several mock criminal tasks before being interviewed using 1 of 3 interview techniques: (a) SUE-Confrontation, (b) Early Disclosure of Evidence, or (c) No Disclosure of Evidence. As predicted, the SUE-Confrontation interview generated more statement-evidence inconsistencies from suspects than the Early Disclosure interview. Importantly, suspects in the SUE-Confrontation condition (vs. Early and No disclosure conditions) admitted more self-incriminating information and also perceived the interviewer to have had more information about the critical phase of the crime (the phase where the interviewer lacked evidence). The findings show the adaptability of the SUE-technique and how it may be used as a tool for eliciting admissions.

Men's sexual interest in children: one-year incidence and correlates in a population-based sample of Finnish male twins.

In a study of 1,310 Finnish adult male twins we found that sexual interest in children aged 12 or younger was reported by 0.2% of the sample. Sexual interest in children aged 15 or younger was reported by 3.3%. Participants reporting sexual interest in children aged 15 or younger were younger, reported stronger sexual desire, and had experienced more childhood sexual and nonsexual abuse. The present study is the first to give a population-based estimate of the incidence of sexual interest in children among adult men. The 12-month incidence of sexual interest in children below the age of 16 years is roughly comparable to the one-year incidence of major depression or the lifetime prevalence of transvestitic fetishism.

Why do lie-catchers fail? A lens model meta-analysis of human lie judgments.

Decades of research has shown that people are poor at detecting lies. Two explanations for this finding have been proposed. First, it has been suggested that lie detection is inaccurate because people rely on invalid cues when judging deception. Second, it has been suggested that lack of valid cues to deception limits accuracy. A series of 4 meta-analyses tested these hypotheses with the framework of Brunswik's (1952) lens model. Meta-Analysis 1 investigated perceived cues to deception by correlating 66 behavioral cues in 153 samples with deception judgments. People strongly associate deception with impressions of incompetence (r = .59) and ambivalence (r = .49). Contrary to self-reports, eye contact is only weakly correlated with deception judgments (r = -.15). Cues to perceived deception were then compared with cues to actual deception. The results show a substantial covariation between the 2 sets of cues (r = .59 in Meta-Analysis 2, r = .72 in Meta-Analysis 3). Finally, in Meta-Analysis 4, a lens model analysis revealed a very strong matching between behaviorally based predictions of deception and behaviorally based predictions of perceived deception. In conclusion, contrary to previous assumptions, people rarely rely on the wrong cues. Instead, limitations in lie detection accuracy are mainly attributable to weaknesses in behavioral cues to deception. The results suggest that intuitive notions about deception are more accurate than explicit knowledge and that lie detection is more readily improved by increasing behavioral differences between liars and truth tellers than by informing lie-catchers of valid cues to deception.

The need for a positive psychological approach and collaborative effort for improving practice in the interrogation room.

The White Paper suggests important reforms that will reduce the likelihood of false confessions resulting from police interrogation. The research underlying these suggested reforms has yielded significant advances in our understanding of factors associated with false confessions. As we move forward, we encourage the development of empirically based approaches that provide a viable alternative to current practice. In doing so, we suggest that researchers pursue a positive psychological approach that involves partnering with practitioners to systematically develop interrogative methods that are shown to be more diagnostic. By taking such an approach, we believe that the recommendations offered in the current White Paper can be supplemented by methods that carry the support of both scientific and law enforcement communities.

Childhood sexual interactions with other children are associated with lower preferred age of sexual partners including sexual interest in children in adulthood.

Associations between childhood sexual interactions with other children, and preferred and actual age of sexual partners, as well as adults' sexual interest in children, were explored in a sample of 1312 Finnish male twins. Experience of sexual interaction with other children was associated with lower minimum age of preferred and actual sexual partners in adulthood. In addition, such interactions were connected to an increased likelihood of adults' sexual interest in children under the age of 16 years. None of the participants who reported no such interactions had sexual interest in children in adulthood. In addition, the presence of a female co-twin was associated with higher levels of childhood sexual interactions and lower minimum age of preferred and actual sexual partners. Finally, the extent of childhood sexual interactions was not affected by genetic factors, suggesting that the identified association represents true environmental causation. Experiences of childhood physical and sexual abuse were positively related to the extent of the childhood sexual interactions with other children. The results support the role of conditioning in the development of sexual age preferences.

Strategic use of evidence during police interviews: when training to detect deception works.

Research on deception detection in legal contexts has neglected the question of how the use of evidence can affect deception detection accuracy. In this study, police trainees (N=82) either were or were not trained in strategically using the evidence when interviewing lying or truth telling mock suspects (N=82). The trainees' strategies as well as liars' and truth tellers' counter-strategies were analyzed. Trained interviewers applied different strategies than did untrained. As a consequence of this, liars interviewed by trained interviewers were more inconsistent with the evidence compared to liars interviewed by untrained interviewers. Trained interviewers created and utilized the statement-evidence consistency cue, and obtained a considerably higher deception detection accuracy rate (85.4%) than untrained interviewers (56.1%).

Eyewitness testimony: tracing the beliefs of Swedish legal professionals.

This paper examines beliefs held by Swedish legal professionals about eyewitness testimony. In a survey including questions about 13 key issues of eyewitness testimony, three groups were investigated: police officers (n = 104), prosecutors (n = 158), and judges (n = 251). The response rate was 74%. Examples of findings are that the beliefs were in line with scientific findings concerning the weapon focus effect, but were not in line for simultaneous vs. sequential lineups. Between-group differences were found for seven items. Judges were much more sceptical than police officers about the reliability and completeness of children's testimonies. The groups seldom agreed about one answer alternative, and they reported not being up to date about scientific research on eyewitness testimony. The results suggest that some important research findings have reached those working on the field. However, they hold many wrongful beliefs about eyewitness testimony, beliefs that might compromise the accuracy of legal decisions.

Detecting deception via strategic disclosure of evidence.

Deception detection research has largely neglected an important aspect of many investigations, namely that there often exists evidence against a suspect. This study examined the potentials of timing of evidence disclosure as a deception detection tool. The main prediction was that observers (N = 116) would obtain higher accuracy rates if the evidence against the suspects (N = 58) was presented in a late rather than early stage of the interrogation. This prediction was based on the idea that late evidence disclosure would trigger lack of consistencies between the liars' stories and the evidence; this could be used as a cue to deception. The main prediction received support. Late disclosure observers obtained an overall accuracy of 61.7%, compared to 42.9% of Early disclosure observers. Deceptive statements were identified with high accuracy (67.6%) in Late disclosure, indicating that the technique in this form is beneficial mainly for pinpointing lies.