The Comparative Productivity of the Birthday Narrative in 6- to 11-year-Old Maltreated Children.

We asked 111 6- to 11-year-old maltreated children to tell "everything that happened" on their last birthday, the last time they did something they liked to do outside, and yesterday. All children produced details in response to the like to do and yesterday narratives, compared to 98% of children in response to the birthday narrative. Questions about yesterday were more likely to elicit productive responses (93%) than questions about the child's birthday (90%) or things they liked to do (88%). Older children produced the most details in response to questions about yesterday, and older children's birthday narratives were more productive than those about favorite activities. Narratives about children's birthday and yesterday produced comparable percentages of negative details (15%), whereas 32% of children mentioned something negative when discussing a favorite activity. The results suggest that although children find yesterday easier to recall than their last birthday, the birthday narrative is a productive tool for encouraging children to practice recalling more remote events, preparing them for abuse disclosures.

Forensic interviewers' difficulty with the birthday narrative.

BACKGROUND: Narrative practice increases children's productivity in forensic interviews, and one recommended topic is the child's last birthday, though interviewers have raised concerns about its productivity. STUDY 1 OBJECTIVE: Study 1 surveyed forensic interviewers' use of and attitudes about the birthday narrative. PARTICIPANTS AND SETTING: Participants included 170 forensic interviewers who subscribed to a webinar promoting use of the birthday narrative (Mage = 43 years, SD = 10.2, 94 % female). RESULTS: Over half (55 %) of interviewers reported that they rarely/never asked about children's birthdays, and non-users were especially likely to view the birthday narrative as never/rarely productive. Although interviewers viewed memory difficulties as more likely to occur with the birthday narrative than other practice topics (the child's likes, the child's day), non-users did not view memory difficulties, reluctance, generic reports, or religious objections as especially problematic. Open-ended responses identified negative experiences with the birthday as an additional concern, and interviewers' recommended wording of the prompts suggested suboptimal questioning strategies. STUDY 2 OBJECTIVE: Study 2 assessed the use of the birthday narrative in forensic interviews. PARTICIPANTS AND SETTING: The sample included 350 forensic interviews with 4- to 12-year-old children (Mage = 8.85, SD = 2.59). RESULTS: Only 4 % of children failed to recall substantive information if interviewers persisted, though another 11 % failed when interviewers stopped persisting. Invitations were more effective than other question types, especially among older children. 21 % of children mentioned a negative detail during their narrative. CONCLUSIONS: Interviewers' skepticism about the birthday narrative may be due to suboptimal questioning and sensitivity to occasional failures and negative information.

Elaborations and Denials in Children's Responses to Yes-No Any/Some Questions in Forensic Interviews.

This study examined 379 4- to 12-year-old children's answers to any/some and other yes-no questions in forensic interviews about sexual abuse (N = 10,041). Yes-no questions that include the terms any/some (e.g., "Did he say anything?") often implicitly ask for elaboration when the answer is yes ("What did he say?"). However, children may give unelaborated responses to yes-no questions, fail to recognize implicit requests, and falsely respond "no." As predicted, children gave more wh- elaborations in response to any/some questions than other yes-no questions, but younger children elaborated less often than older children. Also as predicted, children responded "no" more often to any/some questions than to other yes-no questions, and more often to "any" than to "some" questions. "No" responses were also more common when children were asked potentially vague anything/something questions and else/other/different questions. The results highlight the potential risks of asking children any/some questions.

Suppositional Wh-Questions About Perceptions, Conversations, and actions are More Productive than Paired Yes-No Questions when Questioning Maltreated Children.

Forensic interviewers are taught to pair yes-no questions with open-ended requests for recall in order to reduce the likelihood that they will be misled by false "yes" responses. However, yes-no questions may elicit false "no" responses. Questioning 112 6- to 11-year-old maltreated children about three innocuous events (outside activities, yesterday, last birthday), this study compared the productivity of paired yes-no questions about perceptions, conversations, and actions involving the hands and mouth (e.g., "Did you say anything?") with wh-questions (e.g., "What did you say?"). The wh-questions presupposed that children had content to provide, but did not specify that content. Children were twice as likely to deny content and half as likely to provide novel information when interviewers asked them yes-no questions. Younger children were more inclined than older children to deny content and give unelaborated "yes" responses. The results support further research into the potential for suppositional wh-questions to increase child witnesses' productivity.

Novel Forms of Reluctance Among Suspected Child Sexual Abuse Victims in Adolescence.

Adolescents tend to be neglected in research examining child sexual abuse (CSA) interviews, yet are often said to be particularly reluctant. This study examined reluctance among 119 10- to 17-year-old females questioned about suspected CSA (n = 25,942 responses), utilizing a scheme identifying previously overlooked types of reluctance in commercially sexually exploited (CSE) youth. In contrast to the CSE youth in a prior study, in which 26% of responses were reluctant, only 8% of CSA victims' responses expressed reluctance. Reluctance was unrelated to age, abuse characteristics, and don't know (IDK) responding. Greater reluctance (but not IDK responding) was related to disclosure of fewer characteristics of abuse. Virtually all youth (93%) had disclosed prior to the interview, in contrast to previous studies examining reluctance among adolescent victims of internet-initiated sexual abuse and CSE. The way in which abuse is discovered may better explain reluctance than the age of the alleged victims.

Pseudotemporal Invitations: 6- to 9-year-Old Maltreated Children's Tendency to Misinterpret Invitations Referencing "Time" as Solely Requesting Conventional Temporal Information.

Forensic interviewers ask children broad input-free recall questions about individual episodes in order to elicit complete narratives, often asking about "the first time," "the last time," and "one time." An overlooked problem is that the word "time" is potentially ambiguous, referring both to a particular episode and to conventional temporal information. We examined 191 6-9-year-old maltreated children's responses to questions about recent events varying the wording of the invitations, either asking children to "tell me about" or "tell me what happened" one time/the first time/the last time the child experienced recent recurrent events. Additionally, half of the children were asked a series of "when" questions about recurrent events before the invitations. Children were several times more likely to provide exclusively conventional temporal information to "tell me about" invitations compared to "tell me what happened" invitations, and asking "when" questions before the invitations increased children's tendency to give exclusively conventional temporal information. Children who answered a higher proportion of "when" questions with conventional temporal information were also more likely to do so in response to the invitations. The results suggest that children may often fail to provide narrative information because they misinterpret invitations using the word "time."

The Utility of the Birthday Prompt in Narrative Practice with Maltreated and Non-maltreated 4- to 9-year-old Children.

Forensic interviewers are encouraged to elicit a practice narrative from children in order to train them to answer free recall questions with narrative information. Although asking children about their last birthday has been recommended, concerns have been raised that many children will have nothing to report. This study asked 994 4- to 9-year-old maltreated and non-maltreated children to recall their last birthday. Although a fair number of children initially failed to recall information (9%), virtually all children recalled information with persistent encouragement (99%). Younger children and maltreated children were less responsive and spoke less, but nevertheless, 93% of the youngest children (4-year-olds) and 97% of maltreated children recalled information with persistent encouragement. The results suggest that children's failures to recall information about birthdays are predominantly attributable to a failure to provide additional support.

4- to 15-year-old children's misinterpretation of invitations asking "about the time" as requests for temporal information in forensic interviews.

BACKGROUND: Forensic interviewers are taught to ask children invitations using the word "time" to refer to a specific episode (e.g., "Tell me about the last time he touched you."). However, children may interpret the word "time" as requesting conventional temporal information rather than narrative information. OBJECTIVE: We examined the rates at which children misinterpreted invitations containing the word "time," comparing invitations asking "about" an episode to invitations asking what "happened" during an episode. PARTICIPANTS: This study examined 827 forensic interviews of children aged 4 to 15 (Mage = 8.1 years) in cases of suspected sexual abuse. METHODS: We identified 1405 invitations using the word "time," and coded them for whether they asked "about" or what "happened." Children's responses were coded for whether they gave exclusively conventional temporal information, expressed temporal ignorance or uncertainty, requested clarification, or gave a don't know response. RESULTS: Children responded to About invitations with higher rates of conventional temporal information (11%) than Happened invitations (6%, p < .001). Children were also more inclined to express uncertainty about temporal information when asked About invitations (p = .04). In a third of the cases where children exhibited misunderstanding, interviewers failed to clarify their intentions. CONCLUSIONS: Forensic interviewers can reduce children's unresponsiveness to invitations by using Happened invitations that overcome the ambiguity associated with "time."

Police Interviewing Behaviors and Commercially Sexually Exploited Adolescents' Reluctance.

Little is known about the relation between law enforcement interviewing behaviors and commercially sexually exploited children's (CSEC) reluctance. This study examined the relation between officers' use of maximization, (references to) expertise, minimization, and support and adolescent CSEC victims' reluctance in a small sample of police interviews (n = 2,416 question-answer pairs across ten interviews). Twenty-six percent of officers' utterances contained at least one interviewing tactic. When statements were paired with maximization, they were correlated with more reluctance than when they were not paired with an interviewing tactic. Contrary to predictions, support was also related to greater reluctance. Open-ended (recall) questions and statements were associated with greater reluctance than closed-ended (recognition) questions. The results highlight the importance of understanding the context in which interviewing strategies are employed when assessing the relation between interviewer behavior and interviewee reluctance.

Identifying novel forms of reluctance in commercially sexually exploited adolescents.

BACKGROUND: Research has largely overlooked expressions of reluctance in commercially sexually exploited adolescent ("CSEA") victims. This is problematic because gaining information from known victims is of the utmost importance in order to better serve the needs of current and potential future victims. OBJECTIVE: The current study proposes a novel conceptualization of reluctance based on CSEA victims' transcripts from police interviews and courtroom examinations. PARTICIPANTS AND SETTING: The study examined police interviews (n = 8 victims, 1558 utterances) and courtroom transcripts (n = 6 victims, 1961 utterances) conducted with female CSEA victims aged 15-17 years old (Mage = 16.29). The victims were associated with the same trafficker and were thus interviewed by the same group of police officers, and for those who testified, were questioned by the same lawyers in court. RESULTS: Sixteen reluctance tactics were identified, including several that have been overlooked in previous literature. The current reluctance measure identified more reluctance than previous studies' reluctance measures. Reluctance was much more common in police interviews (26.4%; p < .001) than in court (5.5%), and if victims were more reluctant in the police interviews, they were less likely to appear in court (p = .001). CONCLUSIONS: These findings have implications for future conceptualizations of reluctance, and illustrate the importance of considering the age of the victim and the circumstances under which the victim is questioned in identifying reluctance.

Linguistically complex recognition prompts in pre-recorded cross-examinations.

This study examined the effects of pre-trial preparation and pre-recorded cross-examinations on the linguistic complexity of recognition prompts (i.e., option-posing or suggestive questions) used when questioning child victims in English criminal courts. The study also compared the linguistic complexity of recognition prompts that did and did not contain suggestive content. Analyses compared 43 cases that involved pre-recorded cross-examinations with pre-trial preparation and 44 cases that did not, which occurred between 2012 and 2016. Cases utilizing the "special measures" contained fewer linguistically complex prompts with and without suggestive content than did their counterparts, demonstrating the benefits of those special measures. Overall, linguistically complex recognition prompts were more likely to contain suggestive content than other recognition prompts. However, linguistically complex prompts with and without suggestive content were still frequently used despite the special measures, demonstrating the need for further professional training to improve the quality of children's evidence.

Children's Signaling of Incomprehension: The Diagnosticity of Practice Questions During Interview Instructions.

Forensic interviewers are routinely advised to instruct children that they should indicate when they do not understand a question. This study examined whether administering the instruction with a practice question may help interviewers identify the means by which individual children signal incomprehension. We examined 446 interviews with children questioned about abuse, including 252 interviews in which interviewers administered the instruction with a practice question (4- to 13-year-old children; Mage = 7.7). Older children more often explicitly referred to incomprehension when answering the practice question and throughout the interviews, whereas younger children simply requested repetition or gave "don't know" responses, and individual children's responses to the practice questions predicted their responses later in the interviews. Similarly, older children were more likely to seek confirmation of their understanding of interviewers' questions and to request specification. The results highlight the need for interviewers to test and closely monitor younger children's responses for ambiguous signs of incomprehension.

Order of Encoding Predicts Young Children's Responses to Sequencing Questions.

We propose that young children exhibit an order of encoding bias, such that they are inclined to report or act out events in the order in which they were originally encoded. This bias helps to explain why children assume that events they first hear described are in chronological order and why they often appear to understand "after" better than "before" when they are questioned about experienced events. Asking children about a sequence of events as a whole (in particular using "first") could avoid order of encoding biases, because children would not have to answer questions about events within the sequence. In the present study, 100 2- to 4-year-old children participated in creating simple stories in which a story child interacted with five objects, thus creating five unrelated events. Children then responded to questions asking them to identify which action occurred "before" and "after" the third event and which action occurred "first" and "last" in the story. We hypothesized that (1) children would exhibit a tendency to answer "before" and "after" questions with the event that occurred after the queried event, thus impairing performance on "before" questions; (2) children would respond more accurately to questions about what occurred "first" and "last" than to questions about "before" and "after"; (3) children would respond more accurately to questions about "first" than questions about "last," and (4) children's performance would improve with age. The hypotheses were supported. Critically, children's errors when responding to "before"/ "after" questions were consistent with an order of encoding bias.

Forensic Interviewers' Difficulty With Invitations: Faux Invitations and Negative Recasting.

An ongoing challenge for forensic interviewers is to maximize their use of invitations, such as requests that the child "tell me more about" details mentioned by the child. Examining 434 interviews with 4- to 12-year-old children questioned about abuse, this study analyzed (1) faux invitations, in which interviewers prefaced questions with "tell me" but then asked a noninvitation, (2) negative recasts, in which interviewers started to ask an invitation but then recast the question as a wh- or option-posing question, and (3) other aspects of questions that may relate to productivity independent of their status as invitations. About one fourth of "tell me" questions were faux invitations, and over 80% of recasts were negative. The frequency of both faux invitations and negative recasts increased during the substantive phase of the interviews, and these were related to decreased productivity, increased nonresponsiveness, and increased uncertainty. In contrast, use of exhaustive terms (e.g., "tell me everything") and nonstatic questions (e.g., about actions) was related to increased productivity. The results suggest that training should teach interviewers when and how strategic use of invitations and other question types can elicit specific types of forensically relevant information.