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1.
Future Child ; 20(1): 43-66, 2010.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-20364621

ABSTRACT

Almost 30 percent of the more than 68 million young adults aged eighteen to thirty-four in the United States today are either foreign born or of foreign parentage. As these newcomers make their transitions to adulthood, say Rubén Rumbaut and Golnaz Komaie, they differ significantly not only from one another but also from their native-parentage counterparts, including blacks and whites. The authors document the demographic changes in the United States over the past forty years and describe the ways in which generation and national origin shape the experiences of these newcomers as they become adults. Rumbaut and Komaie point out that immigrant groups experience gaps in social, economic, and legal status that are even greater than the gaps between native whites and blacks. By far the most-educated (Indians) and the least-educated (Mexicans) groups in the United States today are first-generation immigrants, as are the groups with the lowest poverty rate (Filipinos) and the highest poverty rate (Dominicans). These social and economic divides reflect three very different ways immigrants enter the country: through regular immigration channels, without legal authorization, or as state-sponsored refugees. For many ethnic groups, significant progress takes place from the first to the second generation. But, say the authors, for millions of young immigrants, a lack of legal permanent residency status blocks their prospects for social mobility. Having an undocumented status has become all the more consequential with the failure of Congress to pass comprehensive federal immigration reforms. In the coming two decades, as the U.S. native-parentage labor force continues to shrink, immigrants and their children are expected to account for most of the growth of the nation's labor force, with the fastest-growing occupations requiring college degrees. Rumbaut and Komaie stress that one key to the nation's future will be how it incorporates young adults of immigrant origin in its economy, polity, and society, especially how it enables these young adults to have access to, and to attain, postsecondary education and its manifold pyoffs.


Subject(s)
Emigrants and Immigrants , Emigration and Immigration , Human Development , Adolescent , Adult , Educational Status , Emigrants and Immigrants/psychology , Employment , Family Characteristics , Female , Humans , Income , Male , Marital Status , Population Dynamics , Residence Characteristics , United States , Young Adult
2.
Soc Sci Res ; 38(1): 39-54, 2009 Mar.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-19569291

ABSTRACT

Acceptance by the dominant group reveals the current standing of racial groups in the U.S. hierarchy, as well as the possibility for assimilation. However, few researchers have addressed the gendered nature of racial preferences by whites. We examine whites' exclusion of blacks, Latinos, Asians, Middle Easterners, East Indians and Native Americans as possible dates, using a sample of profiles collected from an internet dating website. We find that white men are more willing than white women to date non-whites in general, yet, with the exception of their top two preferences for dates, whites and Latinos, the racial hierarchies of males and females differ. Among daters with stated racial preferences, white men are more likely to exclude blacks as possible dates, while white women are more likely to exclude Asians. We argue that exclusion relates to racialized images of masculinity and femininity, and shapes dating and marriage outcomes, and thus minority groups' possibilities for full social incorporation.


Subject(s)
Internet , Interpersonal Relations , Minority Groups , Prejudice , Race Relations , Social Behavior , White People , Adult , Black or African American , Asian People , Female , Hispanic or Latino , Humans , Indians, North American , Male , Sex Factors , United States , Young Adult
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