International migration and national development.

"In this review, we examine theories, data, and research on the macroeconomic relationship between international migration and national development in all world regions. Earlier reviews have generally been pessimistic about the prospects for economic development as a result of international migration. Until recently, however, theories and data have not recognized the complex, multifaceted, and often indirect ways that international migration can influence the economic status of households, communities, and nations, and they have generally failed to appreciate how these relationships can change over time. When these complexities are incorporated into theoretical models, research designs, and data collection, a more nuanced and far more positive picture emerges. Given a supportive mix of macroeconomic policies and infrastructure, international migration may function as a dynamic force promoting economic growth and national development, so long as it does not bring about the selective emigration of scarce human capital needed for development at home."

[Fertility as the outcome of the length of exposure. Methodology and application to Sudan, Syria, and Tunisia]. / La fecondite comme resultat de durees d'exposition. Methodologie et application au Soudan, a la Syrie et a la Tunisie.

PIP: A graduate student applied World Fertility Survey data from Syria, Sudan, and Tunisia to a fertility model that takes into account duration of exposure to risk of pregnancy. The 11 variables of this model have been grouped into three categories: nuptiality, maternal period, and birth spacing variables. Syria had the youngest age at first birth. The interval between marriage and first birth was only 11 months in Syria, but 16 months in Tunisia and 24 months in Sudan. The researcher thought that it was relatively improbable that new brides used contraception in Sudan, so it appears that involuntary subfecundity occurred in Sudan. After 15 years of marriage, marriage stability was much lower for Sudan. Fertility was the lowest in Sudan (6.23 vs. 6.81 for Tunisia and 7.7 for Syria). Remarried Sudanese women had lower fertility than those in a first union, while this was the opposite in Tunisia and Syria. Women from Syria had a longer maternal period (by about two years) and a shorter birth interval (by 6 months compared to Sudan and by 9 months compared to Tunisia), so they had the highest total fertility (7.03 vs. 5.17 for Tunisia and 5.7 for Sudan). Fertility levels determined by the model corresponded with those of national reports. Tunisia had the lowest breast feeding levels (33% vs. 47% in Syria and 62% in Sudan) and contraceptive use was rather high (37% vs. 16% for Sudan and 34% for Syria). The sterilization level was highest in Tunisia (8.1% vs. 0.3% in Sudan and 0.4% in Syria). Subfecundity was more or less the same in Syria and Tunisia (18% and 20%, respectively) while it was 64% in Sudan. This high rate of subfecundity was probably due to female genital mutilation practices. True infertility was 20% for Sudan and Tunisia and 15% for Syria.^ieng