Mentoring: A Traditional Cook Island Approach to Support Men.

The present study examines a unique Cook Island approach to the rehabilitation and support of men, particularly those who have been convicted of criminal offending or who are experiencing other mental health or interpersonal difficulties. The culturally appropriate method of enabling change is offered via a community-based 24-hr mentoring system to support men. Run by men, the program is based on traditional Pacific ways of male mentoring in which one man helps another. This study examines the male mentoring program via qualitative analyses of semi-structured interviews. Seven men who had experienced mentoring and six mentors who deliver the program describe the mentoring system and their experiences. The study identifies several perceived benefits or themes in relation to the program. The unique Cook Islands' male mentoring program is viewed as beneficial in that it allows males to be open and supported to make change to be re-absorbed into the community, have healthy functioning, and reduce re-offending via the ongoing supportive care.

Impact, Ramifications and Taking Back Control: A Qualitative Study of Male Survivors of Childhood Sexual Abuse.

There is increasing recognition of the occurrence and frequency of male childhood sexual abuse (MCSA). Quantitative and qualitative research has demonstrated a number of adverse outcomes associated with MCSA in terms of mental health, physical health and difficulties in behavioural, social or interrelationship functioning. The present study gives voice to male survivors of childhood sexual abuse by exploring themes around the impact of MCSA over the course of their life. Interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) of semi-structured interviews with nine male survivors of childhood sexual abuse identified a single overarching theme of control and six related superordinate themes of: (i) responsibility, blame and shame; (ii) development of knowledge about sex and abuse; (iii) avoidance of coping with abuse; (iv) effects on relationships as adults; (v) disclosure of abuse to others; and (vi) gaining a sense of meaning of the abuse. The findings showed that being sexually abused defines and controls a person's life, and that despite the difficulties experienced by victims to move past the abuse, some experienced a degree of personal growth. The findings illustrate the way in which individuals can create meaning around their abuse experiences and take back control.

The use and impact of repeated questions in diagnostic child abuse assessment interviews.

There is limited research regarding the use of repeated questions and the subsequent response from children in real-world forensic contexts. We analysed 71 transcripts of diagnostic assessments in which 3- to 6-year-olds were assessed for suspected abuse experiences. On average, 6% of interviewer questions were repeated, and 47% of the repeated questions were abuse-related. The majority (65%) of the repeated questions were directive, but 33% of the repeated questions contained implicit assumptions. Implicit assumption questions were more likely to be abuse-related. Interviewers repeated questions when the child failed to answer due to playing (31%), for no apparent reason (26%) or for clarification purposes (29%). Children most commonly responded to repeat questions by providing new information (64%), not responding at all (19%) or repeating information (12%). We recommend that interviewers avoid the use of suggestive and repeated questions that contain implicit assumptions in relation to assessment of suspected child abuse.

Effects of interviewer familiarity and supportiveness on children's recall across repeated interviews.

OBJECTIVES: Child witnesses often describe their experiences across multiple interviews. It is unknown whether talking with a familiar interviewer increases disclosures, however, or whether any benefits of a familiar interviewer could be achieved by ensuring that interviewers (regardless of familiarity) behave in socially supportive ways. This study tested the effects of interviewer familiarity and social support on children's reports of an adult's transgressions. HYPOTHESES: We predicted that familiarity and supportiveness would increase transgression reports at a second interview and that children who spoke with familiar, supportive interviewers would disclose the most transgressions. METHOD: Children (N = 160, 5 to 9 years) participated in a science event involving 6 transgressions. Across 2 interviews, they spoke with the same trained university student interviewer or different interviewers, and these interviewers engaged in supportive or neutral behaviors. Interviews were coded for overall information reported, number of transgressions, and confabulations. RESULTS: There were no effects of support in the first interview or on total details reported in either interview. Children reported more transgressions to supportive than neutral interviewers in the second interview (IRR = 1.19), even during open-ended prompting (IRR = 1.26), and they omitted fewer transgressions that had been reported in the first interview (IRR = 0.69). Confabulations were infrequent. There were no condition differences in the total number of confabulations reported across interviews, but these errors occurred more often in the second interview in the supportive condition. CONCLUSIONS: Interviewer support may play a greater role than familiarity in facilitating children's testimony. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Interviews of Children in a Portuguese Special Judicial Procedure.

Since 2007, alleged victims of child sexual abuse in Portugal have provided evidence in a mandatory "Declarações para Memória Futura" (DMF; English transl. 'Statement for future use') proceeding. In order to protect children from having to testify in court, interviews conducted at the DMF can be used later as trial evidence because the hearings are conducted by judges. The present study examined 137 interviews with 3- to 17-year-olds conducted in several Portuguese criminal courts. Detailed examination of interview transcripts showed that 69% of all questions asked were option-posing questions, 16% were directive questions, 11% were suggestive questions, and only 3% were open-ended prompts. The vast majority of details provided by children were thus obtained using the risky recognition-based prompts (i.e., option posing and suggestive questions) associated with the risks of contaminating and limiting children's informativeness, both potential threats to the credibility of their testimony. There is an urgent need to address this issue and consider the implementation of a scientifically validated structured interview protocol in Portugal. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

An examination of "don't know" responses in forensic interviews with children.

Most experimental studies examining the use of pre-interview instructions (ground rules) show that children say "I don't know" more often when they have been encouraged to do so when appropriate. However, children's "don't know" responses have not been studied in more applied contexts, such as in investigative interviews. In the present study, 76 transcripts of investigative interviews with allegedly abused children revealed patterns of "don't know" responding, as well as interviewers' reactions to these responses. Instructions to say "I don't know" when appropriate did not affect the frequency with which children gave these responses. Interviewers rejected "don't know" responses nearly 30% of the time, and typically continued to ask about the same topic using more risky questions. Children often answered these follow-up questions even though they had previously indicated that they lacked the requested information. There was no evidence that "don't know" responses indicated reluctance to talk about abuse. Implications for forensic interviewers are discussed.

Witness recall across repeated interviews in a case of repeated abuse.

In this illustrative case study we examine the three forensic interviews of a girl who experienced repeated sexual abuse from ages 7 to 11. She disclosed the abuse after watching a serialized television show that contained a storyline similar to her own experience. This triggered an investigation that ended in successful prosecution of the offender. Because this case involved abuse that was repeated on a weekly basis for 4 years we thus investigated the degree to which the child's narrative reflected specific episodes or generic accounts, and both the interviewer's and child's attempts to elicit and provide, respectively, specific details across the 3 interviews collected in a 1 month period. Across the 3 interviews, the child's account was largely generic, yet on a number of occasions she provided details specific to individual incidents (episodic leads) that could have been probed further. As predicted: earlier interviews were characterized more by episodic than generic prompts and the reverse was true for the third interview; the child often responded using the same style of language (episodic or generic) as the interviewer; and open questions yielded narrative information. We discuss the importance of adopting children's words to specify occurrences, and the potential benefits of permitting generic recall in investigative interviews on children's ability to provide episodic leads. Despite the fact that the testimony was characterized by generic information about what usually happened, rather than specific episodic details about individual occurrences, this case resulted in successful prosecution.

Are two interviews better than one? eyewitness memory across repeated cognitive interviews.

Eyewitnesses to a filmed event were interviewed twice using a Cognitive Interview to examine the effects of variations in delay between the repeated interviews (immediately & 2 days; immediately & 7 days; 7 & 9 days) and the identity of the interviewers (same or different across the two repeated interviews). Hypermnesia (an increase in total amount of information recalled in the repeated interview) occurred without any decrease in the overall accuracy. Reminiscence (the recall of new information in the repeated interview) was also found in all conditions but was least apparent in the longest delay condition, and came with little cost to the overall accuracy of information gathered. The number of errors, increased across the interviews, but the relative accuracy of participants' responses was unaffected. However, when accuracy was calculated based on all unique details provided across both interviews and compared to the accuracy of recall in just the first interview it was found to be slightly lower. The identity of the interviewer (whether the same or different across interviews) had no effects on the number of correct details. There was an increase in recall of new details with little cost to the overall accuracy of information gathered. Importantly, these results suggest that witnesses are unlikely to report everything they remember during a single Cognitive Interview, however exhaustive, and a second opportunity to recall information about the events in question may provide investigators with additional information.

Monocular rivalry exhibits three hallmarks of binocular rivalry: evidence for common processes.

Binocular rivalry occurs when different images are presented one to each eye: the images are visible only alternately. Monocular rivalry occurs when different images are presented both to the same eye: the clarity of the images fluctuates alternately. Could both sorts of rivalry reflect the operation of a general visual mechanism for dealing with perceptual ambiguity? We report four experiments showing similarities between the two phenomena. First, we show that monocular rivalry can occur with complex images, as with binocular rivalry, and that the two phenomena are affected similarly by the size (Experiment 1) and colour (Experiment 2) of the images. Second, we show that the distribution of dominance periods during monocular rivalry has a gamma shape and is stochastic (Experiment 3). Third, we show that during periods of monocular-rivalry suppression, the threshold to detect a probe (a contrast pulse to the suppressed stimulus) is raised compared with during periods of dominance (Experiment 4). The threshold elevation is much weaker than during binocular rivalry, consistent with monocular rivalry's weak appearance. We discuss other similarities between monocular and binocular rivalry, and also some differences, concluding that part of the processing underlying both phenomena is a general visual mechanism for dealing with perceptual ambiguity.

Reminiscence and hypermnesia in children's eyewitness memory.

Three experiments examined reminiscence and hypermnesia in 5- and 6-year-olds' memory for an event across repeated interviews that occurred either immediately afterward (Experiment 1) or after a 6-month delay (Experiments 2 and 3). Reminiscence (recall of new information) was reliably obtained in all of the experiments, although the numbers of new items recalled were fewer after a delay than when the interviews occurred immediately afterward. Hypermnesia (increasing total recall over repeated recall attempts) was obtained only in Experiment 1 when interviews occurred immediately and 24 h after the event.