Femcel Discussions of Sex, Frustration, Power, and Revenge.

Although male incels have received a great deal of scholarly attention in recent years, there has been almost no research on femcels (involuntarily celibate women). After collecting data from more than 24,000 femcel posts, we drew from a recently developed sexual frustration theory and conducted qualitative analyses of approximately 1200. Overall, our findings suggest that (1) femcels struggled with multiple types of sexual frustration; (2) they frequently discussed the gender dynamics of both sex and power; (3) they were more interested in their own frustrations than men's frustrations; and (4) despite some notable exceptions, they exhibited less support for aggression, violence, and crime than what has been reported about male incels. Although some femcels referenced their anger, hatred, or desires for revenge, this antipathy may have been rooted in their concerns about how to find a suitable intimate partner while avoiding the threat women often face from violent men. Despite this challenge, most femcels who wanted to enhance their situation or increase their power sought to do so through legal means (e.g., self-improvement, group mobilization, or challenging the patriarchy) and did not express violent intent. Further research on femcels, and the evidence-based strategies that could help them, would be a significant contribution to society.

The timing of opportunities to prevent mass shootings: a study of mental health contacts, work and school problems, and firearms acquisition.

Although it is important to know what public mass shooters have in common, it is also helpful to understand when different variables were present on their pathways to violence. This study explored the timing of key life events for the deadliest public mass shooters in the United States since Columbine (N = 14). Using data from official reports and supplementary sources, we found perpetrators' mental health contacts often began more than a decade before their mass shootings, and often ended more than a year before their attacks. Mental illness was typically a constant in their lives, not something that automatically caused them to attack. While treatment may help prevent some mass shootings, mental health professionals have limited influence over patients they have not recently seen. In turn, perpetrators' work and school problems also typically began long before their mass shootings, but these issues continued closer to their attacks. Employers and educators may therefore have an opportunity to intervene later in the process. Firearms acquisition often occurred in the final stages, after perpetrators were already interested in mass murder. Red flag laws and ERPOs which prohibit sales to explicitly dangerous individuals may therefore help reduce the prevalence of these attacks.

Harming animals and massacring humans: Characteristics of public mass and active shooters who abused animals.

Researchers have extensively studied the tendency of certain violent criminals to hurt or torture animals, primarily focusing on domestic abusers and serial killers. However, little is known about the extent or nature of prior animal abuse among active shooters and public mass shooters. Public mass and active shooters essentially represent a single offender type: they are people who commit rampage attacks in public places and attempt to harm multiple victims beyond a single target. The only difference is that "mass" shootings are traditionally defined as cases resulting in the death of four or more victims, while "active" shootings have no minimum threshold. This study aimed to identify all publicly reported cases of active and mass shooters who engaged in animal cruelty, describe the nature of their violence toward animals and humans, and examine how they differ from other perpetrators without this history. Overall, this study found 20 cases of offenders with a publicly reported history of animal abuse. Comparisons between offenders with and without this history indicated that animal-abusing offenders were more likely to be young and White, less likely to die at the crime scene, and more likely to kill and wound a large number of victims. While this finding supports the idea that animal abuse might be a warning sign for a small but deadly minority of mostly youthful offenders, it is likely not a robust signal of future shooters in general because animal abuse is rarely reported in this population of offenders at large.

Identifying Potential Mass Shooters and Suicide Terrorists With Warning Signs of Suicide, Perceived Victimization, and Desires for Attention or Fame.

In the United States and Europe, the distinction between public mass shooters and suicide terrorists no longer seems particularly meaningful. A number of public mass shooters have considered using bombs and claimed to be sacrificing themselves for an ideological cause, and many suicide terrorists have attacked without organizational support, using firearms, for what appear to be largely personal reasons. Previous research has also documented several common factors in these offenders' lives, including (a) suicidal motives and life indifference, (b) perceived victimization, and (c) desires for attention or fame. These factors are not always easy for observers to recognize in advance, so mental health professionals, the public, and law enforcement officials might need help from experts to more successfully identify at-risk individuals. This article reviews the evidence of each factor, provides a list of specific warning signs, and offers recommendations for future research. Ultimately, an evidence-based approach to prevention could help save both the lives of many potential victims and the lives of the would-be attackers themselves.

Strength in numbers: A survival strategy that helps explain social bonding and commitment.

We seek strength in numbers as a survival strategy, so it seems unlikely that social bonds would make us want to intentionally die. However, our deep desire to be protected may explain our attraction to exaggerated notions of intentional self-sacrifice - even though research on suicide terrorists, kamikaze pilots, and cult members suggests they were not actually dying for their group.

Mass Killings in the United States from 2006 to 2013: Social Contagion or Random Clusters?

In line with previous research on suicide and social contagion, there has been widespread speculation that mass killings-which often involve suicidal offenders-are socially contagious for up to 14 days. This study tested these claims by making comparisons (i) between observed chronological clusters of mass killings in the United States from 2006 to 2013 and clusters in 500 simulations containing 116,000 randomly generated dates, and then (ii) between observed mass killings receiving varying levels of public attention. No evidence of short-term contagion was found, although longer term copycat effects may exist. Further scholarly and policy implications are discussed.

Detecting mental health problems and suicidal motives among terrorists and mass shooters.

BACKGROUND: For years, many scholars dismissed the possibility that terrorists - including suicide attackers - could be mentally ill or primarily suicidal. However, that view is gradually changing. AIM: Researchers continue to face significant challenges when attempting to detect mental health problems and suicidal motives among terrorists and mass shooters, because many offenders cannot easily be psychologically assessed. This article offers several specific recommendations for how researchers can better understand offenders' mental state by studying their life histories and behaviour. METHODS: Research on detection of mental disorders and suicidal intent is reviewed and applied to specific challenges for assessing terrorists and mass shooters. RESULTS: It appears that researchers can improve the accuracy of their assessments by (1) recognising the likelihood of under-diagnosis of mental disorders, (2) prioritising in-depth evaluation and analysis of mental state and (3) considering the role of social and situational factors in suicidal ideation and motivation. CONCLUSION: More accurate detection of mental health problems and suicidal motives among terrorists and mass shooters could help advance scientific understandings of these individuals and even help prevent lethal attacks. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Public Mass Shooters and Firearms: A Cross-National Study of 171 Countries.

OBJECTIVE: Model the global distribution of public mass shooters around the world. METHOD: Negative binomial regression is used to test the effects of homicide rates, suicide rates, firearm ownership rates, and several control variables on public mass shooters per country from 1966 to 2012. RESULTS: The global distribution of public mass shooters appears partially attributable to cross-national differences in firearms availability but not associated with cross-national homicide or suicide rates. CONCLUSION: The United States and other nations with high firearm ownership rates may be particularly susceptible to future public mass shootings, even if they are relatively peaceful or mentally healthy according to other national indicators.

Précis of the myth of martyrdom: what really drives suicide bombers, rampage shooters, and other self-destructive killers.

For years, scholars have claimed that suicide terrorists are not suicidal, but rather psychologically normal individuals inspired to sacrifice their lives for an ideological cause, due to a range of social and situational factors. I agree that suicide terrorists are shaped by their contexts, as we all are. However, I argue that these scholars went too far. In The Myth of Martyrdom: What Really Drives Suicide Bombers, Rampage Shooters, and Other Self-Destructive Killers, I take the opposing view, based on my in-depth analyses of suicide attackers from Asia, Africa, Europe, the Middle East, and North America; attackers who were male, female, young, old, Islamic, and Christian; attackers who carried out the most deadly and the least deadly strikes. I present evidence that in terms of their behavior and psychology, suicide terrorists are much like others who commit conventional suicides, murder-suicides, or unconventional suicides where mental health problems, personal crises, coercion, fear of an approaching enemy, or hidden self-destructive urges play a major role. I also identify critical differences between suicide terrorists and those who have genuinely sacrificed their lives for a greater good. By better understanding suicide terrorists, experts in the behavioral and brain sciences may be able to pioneer exciting new breakthroughs in security countermeasures and suicide prevention. And even more ambitiously, by examining these profound extremes of the human condition, perhaps we can more accurately grasp the power of the human survival instinct among those who are actually psychologically healthy.