Family Socioeconomic Status and Children's Screen Time.

Objective: This mixed-methods study examined whether higher-SES children's digital technology use adhered to contemporaneous pediatric guidelines, how it compared to lower-SES children, and why, as analyses showed, higher-SES children's technology use far exceeded pediatric recommendations. Background: 2013 American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) guidelines recommended limited "screen time" for children. Higher socioeconomic status (SES) families tend to follow guidelines, but digital technology use-simultaneously a health behavior and a pathway for building human capital-has complex implications. Method: Quantitative analyses provide new nationally representative estimates of the relationship between social class and 9- to 13-year-old children's technology time (including television), device access, and parenting rules (2014 PSID Child Development Supplement, N=427). Qualitative analyses of 77 longitudinal higher-SES parent interviews articulated explanatory processes. Results: Higher-SES children used technology as frequently as others and in excess of recommendations. Their device access, activities, and agency in adhering to rules, however, differed from others. Qualitative analysis uncovered processes that helped explain these findings: parents' ambivalence about technology and perception that expert guidance is absent or unrealistic, and children's exercise of agency to use technology facilitated by "concerted cultivation" parenting styles, led to higher-SES individualistic parenting practices that supported children's increased non-television technology use. Conclusion: Cultures and structures related to children's technology use are in flux, and classed norms and understandings are emerging to construct relevant class-based distinctions around parenting.

Mothers' Sexual Identity and Children's Health.

Sexual minority women face a plethora of structural, socioeconomic, and interpersonal disadvantages and stressors. Research has established negative associations between women's sexual minority identities and both their own health and their infants' birth outcomes. Yet a separate body of scholarship has documented similarities in the development and well-being of children living with same-sex couples relative to those living with similarly situated different-sex couples. This study sought to reconcile these literatures by examining the association between maternal sexual identity and child health at ages 5-18 using a US sample from the full population of children of sexual minority women, including those who identify as mostly heterosexual, bisexual, or lesbian, regardless of partner sex or gender. Analyses using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (N=8,978) followed women longitudinally and examined several measures of their children's health, including general health and specific developmental and physical health conditions. Analyses found that children of mostly heterosexual and bisexual women experienced health disadvantages relative to children of heterosexual women, whereas the few children of lesbian women in our sample evidenced a mixture of advantages and disadvantages. These findings underscore that to understand sexual orientation disparities and the intergenerational transmission of health, it is important to incorporate broad measurement of sexual orientation that can capture variation in family forms and in sexual minority identities.

State-Level Regulations Regarding the Protection of Sexual Minorities and Birth Outcomes: Results From a Population-Based Cohort Study.

OBJECTIVE: We leverage state-level variability in social policies that confer legal protections for sexual minorities (e.g., employment nondiscrimination acts) and examine their association with birth outcomes among sexual minority women. METHODS: We link measures of structural protections (i.e., social policies) to a prospective, population-based cohort of US adults-the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health ( n = 7913 total singleton births, n = 274 singleton births to bisexual women, n = 53 singleton births to lesbian women)-which includes measurement of key risk factors for birth outcomes over the life course. RESULTS: Lesbian, gay, bisexual (LGB) policy protections were associated with better birth outcomes for lesbian women. For example, among lesbian women, the predicted birth weight for infants in states with no policy protections was 3.01 kg (95% confidence interval = 2.71-3.30) but was 3.71 kg (95% confidence interval = 3.46-3.96) in states with three or four policy protections. In negative control analyses, there was no association between LGB policy protections and birth outcomes among the nonstigmatized group (i.e., heterosexual women), providing evidence of specificity. Furthermore, in states with the most LGB policy protections, lesbian women were at lower risk for preterm births and had infants with higher birth weights than heterosexual and bisexual women. These associations remained robust after adjusting for 13 risk factors, including demographics, prior and current indicators of socioeconomic status, preconception and perinatal risk factors, and neighborhood characteristics. CONCLUSIONS: These results provide novel evidence that sexual orientation-related policy protections, measured at the state level, are associated with a decreased risk for adverse birth outcomes among lesbian women.

Structural Heteropatriarchy and Birth Outcomes in the United States.

Emerging evidence links structural sexism and structural discrimination against lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) populations to poor health outcomes, but studies have yet to examine the combined effects of these mutually reinforcing systems of inequality. Therefore, we developed a composite measure of structural heteropatriarchy-which includes state-level LGB policies, family planning policies, and indicators of structural sexism (e.g., women's political and economic position relative to men)-and examined its relationship to birth outcomes using data from Waves I to V of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health. Multivariate regression analyses demonstrated that higher levels of heteropatriarchy were associated with an increased risk of preterm birth and decreased birth weight, net of important covariates. There was no association between clinical low birth weight and heteropatriarchy, or interactions between heteropatriarchy and individuals' race, ethnicity or sexual identity, suggesting a negative effect of heteropatriarchy on birth outcomes for all pregnant people. This study demonstrates the importance of considering gender and sexuality as mutually reinforcing systems of oppression that impact population health. Future research should examine the impact of heteropatriarchy on additional health outcomes and in conjunction with other structural inequalities such as racism and transgender oppression.

Sexual Identity and Birth Outcomes: A Focus on the Moderating Role of Race-ethnicity.

Race-ethnic disparities in birth outcomes are well established, and new research suggests that there may also be important sexual identity disparities in birth weight and preterm birth. This study uses the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health and is the first to examine disparities in birth outcomes at the intersection of race-ethnicity and sexual identity. We use ordinary least sqaures and logistic regression models with live births (n = 10,318) as the unit of analysis clustered on mother ID (n = 5,105), allowing us to adjust for preconception and pregnancy-specific perinatal risk factors as well as neighborhood characteristics. Results show a striking reversal in the effect of lesbian or bisexual identity on birth outcomes across race-ethnicities: For white women, a bisexual or lesbian identity is associated with better birth outcomes than their white heterosexual counterparts, but for Black and Latina women, it is associated with worse birth outcomes than their heterosexual peers.

Sexual Orientation Disparities in Preconception Health.

Objective: In the United States, there have been very few improvements in adverse birth outcomes, such as infant mortality, low birthweight, and preterm birth in recent years. Health promotion before pregnancy (e.g., preconception care) has been increasingly recognized as an important strategy by which to improve these reproductive outcomes. As of yet, no research has examined sexual orientation disparities in preconception health which has important implications for birth outcomes in the United States, since sexual minority women (SMW) are more likely to report stillbirths, low birthweight, and preterm infants than heterosexual women. Methods: This study addresses this gap by utilizing data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health) to examine sexual orientation disparities in women's preconception health 1 and 3 years before a live birth (n = 3,133). Results: Our findings suggest that, even after controlling for maternal characteristics, SMW are more likely to report adverse health conditions and behaviors before pregnancy relative to heterosexual women 1 year before the survey, including higher odds of binge drinking, other substance use, having a sexually transmitted infection diagnosis, and depression. Conclusions: Despite new public health policies aimed at improved preconception health, our findings suggest that SMW are even more vulnerable to poor preconception health than their heterosexual counterparts, which has important implications for maternal and child health. This study provides important evidence for the need to invest in the reproductive health of SMW, particularly in the context of pregnancy.

Racial/Ethnic Differences in Unwanted Pregnancy: Moderation by Sexual Orientation.

OBJECTIVE: To explore sexual orientation disparities in unwanted pregnancy by race/ethnicity. BACKGROUND: Previous research has documented that sexual-minority women (SMW) are more likely to report unplanned pregnancy than heterosexual women, and that Black and Latina women are more likely to report unplanned pregnancy than White women. No research has examined how pregnancy intention varies at the intersection of these two identities. METHOD: Data come from the pregnancy roster data in Waves IV and Wave V subsample in the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health. We used pregnancy as the unit of analysis (n=10,845) and multilevel logistic regression models to account for clustering of pregnancies within women. Per pregnancy, women were asked if they "wanted" to be pregnant at the time of pregnancy. We conducted models stratified by race/ethnicity, as well as models stratified by sexual identity. RESULTS: Among White women, sexual-minority women were more likely to describe their pregnancy as unwanted than were their heterosexual counterparts. Conversely, among Black and Latina women, sexual-minority women were less likely to describe their pregnancy as unwanted than were their heterosexual counterparts. Results stratified by sexual identity underscore these contrasting patterns: Among heterosexual women, White women were less likely to describe their pregnancies as unwanted compared to Black and Latina women; among sexual-minority women, White women were more likely to describe their pregnancy as unwanted than were Black and Latina women. CONCLUSION: Traditional race/ethnicity trends in pregnancy intention (i.e., greater unwanted pregnancy among Black/Latina than White women) are reversed among sexual-minority women.