Can I have a quick word? Early electrophysiological manifestations of psycholinguistic processes revealed by event-related regression analysis of the EEG.

We applied multiple linear regression analysis to event-related electrophysiological responses to words and pseudowords in a visual lexical decision task, yielding event-related regression coefficients (ERRCs) instead of the traditional event-related potential (ERP) measure. Our main goal was to disentangle the earliest ERP effects of the length of letter strings ("word length") and orthographic neighbourhood size (Coltheart's "N"). With respect to N, existing evidence is still ambiguous with respect to whether effects of N reflect early access to lexico-semantic information, or whether they occur at later decision or verification stages. In the present study, we found distinct neurophysiological manifestations of both N and word length around 100ms after word onset. Importantly, the effect of N distinguished between words and pseudowords, while the effect of word length did not. Minimum norm source estimation revealed the most dominant sources for word length in bilateral posterior brain areas for both words and pseudowords. For N, these sources were more left-lateralised and consistent with perisylvian brain areas, with activation peaks in temporal areas being more anterior for words compared to pseudowords. Our results support evidence for an effect of N at early and elementary stages of word recognition. We discuss the implications of these results for the time line of word recognition processes, and emphasise the value of ERRCs in combination with source analysis in psycholinguistic and cognitive brain research.

The time course of visual word recognition as revealed by linear regression analysis of ERP data.

EEG correlates of a range of psycholinguistic word properties were used to investigate the time course of access to psycholinguistic information during visual word recognition. Neurophysiological responses recorded in a visual lexical decision task were submitted to linear regression analysis. First, 10 psycholinguistic features of each of 300 stimulus words were submitted to a principal component analysis, which yielded four orthogonal variables likely to reflect separable processes in visual word recognition: Word length, Letter n-gram frequency, Lexical frequency and Semantic coherence of a word's morphological family. Since the lexical decision task required subjects to distinguish between words and pseudowords, the binary variable Lexicality was also investigated using a factorial design. Word-pseudoword differences in the event-related potential first appeared at 160 ms after word onset. However, regression analysis of EEG data documented a much earlier effect of both Word length and Letter n-gram frequency around 90 ms. Lexical frequency showed its earliest effect slightly later, at 110 ms, and Semantic coherence significantly correlated with neurophysiological measures around 160 ms, simultaneously with the lexicality effect. Source estimates indicated parieto-temporo-occipital generators for the factors Length, Letter n-gram frequency and Word frequency, but widespread activation with foci in left anterior temporal lobe and inferior frontal cortex related to Semantic coherence. At later stages (>200 ms), all variables exhibited simultaneous EEG correlates. These results indicate that information about surface form and meaning of a lexical item is first accessed at different times in different brain systems and then processed simultaneously, thus supporting cascaded interactive processing models.

Getting to the meaning of the regular past tense: evidence from neuropsychology.

Neuropsychological impairments of English past tense processing inform a key debate in cognitive neuroscience concerning the nature of mental mechanisms. Dual-route accounts claim that regular past tense comprehension deficits reflect a specific impairment of morphological decomposition (e.g., jump + ed), disrupting the automatic comprehension of word meaning accessed via the verb stem (e.g., jump). Single-mechanism accounts claim that the deficits reflect a general phonological impairment that affects perception of regular past tense offsets but which might preserve normal activation of verb semantics. We tested four patients with regular past tense deficits and matched controls, using a paired auditory semantic priming/lexical decision task with three conditions: uninflected verbs (hope/wish), regular past tense primes (blamed/accuse), and irregular past tense primes (shook/tremble). Both groups showed significant priming for verbs with simple morphophonology (uninflected verbs and irregular past tenses) but the patients showed no priming for verbs with complex morphophonology (regular past tenses) in contrast to controls. The findings suggest that the patients are delayed in activating the meaning of verbs if a regular past tense affix is appended, consistent with a dual-route account of their deficit.

Cingulate control of fronto-temporal integration reflects linguistic demands: a three-way interaction in functional connectivity.

In a recent fMRI language comprehension study, we asked participants to listen to word-pairs and to make same/different judgments for regularly and irregularly inflected word forms [Tyler, L.K., Stamatakis, E.A., Post, B., Randall, B., Marslen-Wilson, W.D., in press. Temporal and frontal systems in speech comprehension: an fMRI study of past tense processing. Neuropsychologia, available online.]. We found that a fronto-temporal network, including the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC), left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG), bilateral superior temporal gyrus (STG) and middle temporal gyrus (MTG), is preferentially activated for regularly inflected words. We report a complementary re-analysis of the data seeking to understand the behavior of this network in terms of inter-regional covariances, which are taken as an index of functional connectivity. We identified regions in which activity was predicted by ACC and LIFG activity, and critically, by the interaction between these two regions. Furthermore, we determined the extent to which these inter-regional correlations were influenced differentially by the experimental context (i.e. regularly or irregularly inflected words). We found that functional connectivity between LIFG and left MTG is positively modulated by activity in the ACC and that this effect is significantly greater for regulars than irregulars. These findings suggest a monitoring role for the ACC which, in the context of processing regular inflected words, is associated with greater engagement of an integrated fronto-temporal language system.

Differentiating lexical form, meaning, and structure in the neural language system.

A technique for studying the relationship between brain and language, which involves correlating scores on two continuous variables, signal intensity across the entire brains of brain-damaged patients and behavioral priming scores, was used to investigate a central issue in cognitive neuroscience: Are the components of the neural language system organized as a single undifferentiated process, or do they respond differentially to different types of linguistic structure? Differences in lexical structure, in the form of the regular and irregular past tense, have proven to be critical in this debate by contrasting a highly predictable rule-like process (e.g., jump-jumped) with an unpredictable idiosyncratic process typified by the irregulars (e.g., think-thought). The key issue raised by these contrasts is whether processing regular and irregular past tense forms differentially engages different aspects of the neural language system or whether they are processed within a single system that distinguishes between them purely on the basis of phonological and semantic differences. The correlational analyses provide clear evidence for a functional differentiation between different brain regions associated with the processing of lexical form, meaning, and morphological structure.

The basal ganglia and rule-governed language use: evidence from vascular and degenerative conditions.

The Declarative/Procedural Model of Pinker, Ullman and colleagues claims that the basal ganglia are part of a fronto-striatal procedural memory system which applies grammatical rules to combine morphemes (the smallest meaningful units in language) into complex words (e.g. talk-ed, talk-ing). We tested this claim by investigating whether striatal damage or loss of its dopaminergic innervation is reliably associated with selective regular past tense deficits in patients with subcortical cerebrovascular damage, Parkinson's disease or Huntington's disease. We focused on past tense morphology since this allows us to contrast the regular past tense (jump-jumped), which is rule-based, with the irregular past tense (sleep-slept), which is not. We used elicitation and priming tasks to test patients' ability to comprehend and produce inflected forms. We found no evidence of a consistent association between striatal dysfunction and selective impairment of regular past tense morphology, suggesting that the basal ganglia are not essential for processing the regular past tense as a sequence of morphemes, either in comprehension or production, in contrast to the claims of the Declarative/Procedural Model. All patient groups showed normal activation of semantic and morphological representations in comprehension, despite difficulties suppressing semantically appropriate alternatives when trying to inflect novel verbs. This is consistent with previous reports that striatal dysfunction spares automatic activation of linguistic information, but disrupts later language processes that require inhibition of competing alternatives.

Morphological units in the Arabic mental lexicon.

Standard views of morphology in Modern Standard Arabic hold that surface word forms comprise at least two morphemes: a three-consonantal root conveying semantic meaning and a word pattern carrying syntactic information. An alternative account claims that semantic information is carried by a bi-consonantal morphological unit called the etymon. Accordingly, in the form [batara] the core meaning is carried not by the tri-consonantal root morpheme [btr] but by the etymon morpheme [b,t] which surfaces in other forms like [batta] "sever", [batala] "cut off" with the same meaning "cutting". Previous experimental research in Semitic languages has assumed the tri-consonantal root/word pattern approach. In cross-modal and masked priming experiments we ask whether the etymon, as a more fine-grained two-consonantal morphological unit, can yield the morphological priming effects typically obtained with tri-consonantal root morphemes. The results clearly show that two words sharing an etymon do facilitate each other both in cross-modal and masked priming even though they do not share a root, controlling for semantic and for form overlap effects. The bearing of these results on theories of morphological processing and representation is discussed.

Mechanisms of phonological inference in speech perception.

Cross-modal priming experiments have shown that surface variations in speech are perceptually tolerated as long as they occur in phonologically viable contexts. For example, [symbol: see text] (frayp) gains access to the mental representation of freight when in the context of [symbol: see text] (frayp bearer) because the change occurs in normal speech as a process of place assimilation. The locus of these effects in the perceptual system was examined. Sentences containing surface changes were created that either agreed with or violated assimilation rules. The lexical status of the assimilated word also was manipulated, contrasting lexical and nonlexical accounts. Two phoneme monitoring experiments showed strong effects of phonological viability for words, with weaker effects for nonwords. It is argued that the listener's percept of the form of speech is a product of a phonological inference process that recovers the underlying form of speech. This process can operate on both words and nonwords, although it interacts with the retrieval of lexical information.

Dissociating types of mental computation.

A fundamental issue in the study of cognition and the brain is the nature of mental computation. How far does this depend on internally represented systems of rules, expressed as strings of symbols with a syntax, as opposed to more distributed neural systems, operating subsymbolically and without syntax? The mental representation of the regular and irregular past tense of the English verb has become a crucial test case for this debate. Single-mechanism approaches argue that current multilayer connectionist networks can account for the learning and representation both of regular and of irregular forms. Dual-mechanism approaches, although accepting connectionist accounts for the irregular forms, argue that a symbolic, rule-based system is required to explain the properties of the regular past tense and, by extension, the properties of language and cognition in general. We show here that the regular and irregular past tense are supported by different neural systems, which can become dissociated by damage to the brain. This is evidence for functional and neurological distinctions in the types of mental computation that support these different aspects of linguistic and cognitive performance.

Phonological variation and inference in lexical access.

Recent experiments have indicated that lexical access in speech is highly intolerant of mismatch. An isolated sequence such as [symbol: see text] strongly disrupts access to the underlying lexical entry (wicked). This observation seems inconsistent with the systematic variability found in the phonetic form of words. Two cross-modal priming experiments tested the hypothesis that phonologically regular variation is perceptually acceptable. Participants heard tokens like [symbol: see text] embedded in contexts that either licensed the change as a result of a regular assimilation process (e.g., [symbol: see text]) or rendered the change phonologically unviable (e.g., [symbol: see text]). The tokens with contextually unviable deviations did not effectively access lexical representations. In contrast, the same tokens in viable phonological context primed as strongly as unchanged controls. These results suggest that mapping speech onto lexical representations involves on-line phonological inference.

Access to word meanings during spoken language comprehension: effects of sentential semantic context.

In 3 cross-modal priming experiments, we investigated whether access to a word's meaning is affected by the semantic context in which it is heard or is exhaustive and context-independent. We probed access of nonassociated semantic properties and normatively associated words before and after prime offset. Whereas associated targets were primed context-independently, access to semantic property targets was affected by the sentential context. Semantic property targets showed greater priming in a sentence biasing to a specific semantic property than in a neutral condition, even when this bias made the target property irrelevant rather than relevant. These results cannot be accounted for by current exhaustive access or context-dependency theories of lexical access.

Sentence perception as an interactive parallel process.

The restoration of disrupted words to their original form in a sentence shadowing task is dependent upon semantic and syntactic context variables, thus demonstrating an on-line interaction between the structural and the lexical and phonetic levels of sentence processing.