ABSTRACT
Many bilingual individuals acquire their second language when entering primary school; however, very few studies have investigated morphosyntax processing in this population. Combining a whole-brain and region of interest (ROI)-based approach, we studied event-related fMRI during morphosyntactic processing, specifically person-number phi-features, in Turkish (L1) and Persian (L2) by highly proficient bilinguals who learned Persian at school entry. In a design with alternating language switching and pseudorandomized grammaticality conditions, two left-lateralized syntax-specific ROIs and 11 bilateral ROIs involved in executive functions (EF) were analyzed for the intensity of activation relative to a resting baseline. Our findings indicate a strong overlap of neural networks for L1 and L2, suggesting structural similarities of neuroanatomical organization. In all ROIs morphosyntactic processing invoked stronger activation in L1 than in L2. This may be a consequence of symmetrical switch costs in the alternating design used here, where the need for suppressing the non-required language is stronger for the dominant L1 when it is non-required as compared to the non-dominant L2, leading to a stronger rebound for L1 than L2 when the language is required. Both L1 and L2 revealed significant activation in syntax-specific areas in left hemisphere clusters and increased activation in EF-specific areas in right-hemisphere than left-hemisphere clusters, confirming syntax-specific functions of the left hemisphere, whereas the right hemisphere appears to subserve control functions required for switching languages. While previous reports indicate a leftward bias in planum temporale activation during auditory and linguistic processing, the present study shows the activation of the right planum temporale indicating its involvement in auditory attention. More pronounced grammaticality effect in left pars opercularis for L1 and in left pSTG for L2 indicate differences in the processing of morphosyntactic information in these brain regions. Nevertheless, the activation of pars opercularis and pSTG emphasize the centrality of these regions in the processing of person-number phi-features. Taken together, the present results confirm that morphosyntactic processing in bilinguals relates to composite, syntax-sensitive and EF-sensitive mechanisms in which some nodes of the language network are differentially involved.
ABSTRACT
While most studies on neural signals of online language processing have focused on a few-usually western-subject-verb-object (SVO) languages, corresponding knowledge on subject-object-verb (SOV) languages is scarce. Here we studied Farsi, a language with canonical SOV word order. Because we were interested in the consequences of second-language acquisition, we compared monolingual native Farsi speakers and equally proficient bilinguals who had learned Farsi only after entering primary school. We analyzed event-related potentials (ERPs) to correct and morphosyntactically incorrect sentence-final syllables in a sentence correctness judgment task. Incorrect syllables elicited a late posterior positivity at 500-700 ms after the final syllable, resembling the P600 component, as previously observed for syntactic violations at sentence-middle positions in SVO languages. There was no sign of a left anterior negativity (LAN) preceding the P600. Additionally, we provide evidence for a real-time discrimination of phonological categories associated with morphosyntactic manipulations (between 35 and 135 ms), manifesting the instantaneous neural response to unexpected perturbations. The L2 Farsi speakers were indistinguishable from L1 speakers in terms of performance and neural signals of syntactic violations, indicating that exposure to a second language at school entry may results in native-like performance and neural correlates. In nonnative (but not native) speakers verbal working memory capacity correlated with the late posterior positivity and performance accuracy. Hence, this first ERP study of morphosyntactic violations in a spoken SOV nominative-accusative language demonstrates ERP effects in response to morphosyntactic violations and the involvement of executive functions in non-native speakers in computations of subject-verb agreement.
