Dialect effects in speech perception: the role of vowel duration in Parisian French and Swiss French.

The current experiments examined how native Parisian French and native Swiss French listeners use vowel duration in perceiving the /[character: see text]/-/o/ contrast. In both Parisian and Swiss French /ol is longer than /[character: see text]/, but the difference is relatively large in Swiss French and quite small in Parisian French. In Experiment I we found a parallel effect in perception. For native listeners of both dialects, the perceived best exemplars of /o/ were longer than those of /[character: see text]/. However, there was a substantial difference in best-exemplar duration for /[character: see text]/ and /o/ for Swiss French listeners, but only a small difference in best-exemplar duration for Parisian French listeners. In Experiment 2 we found that this precise pattern depended not only on the native dialect of the listeners, but also on whether the stimuli being judged had the detailed acoustic characteristics of the native dialect. These findings indicate that listeners use fine-grained information in the speech signal in a dialect-specific manner when mapping the acoustic signal onto vowel categories of their language.

Characteristics of listener sensitivity to talker-specific phonetic detail.

Previous research shows that listeners are sensitive to talker differences in phonetic properties of speech, including voice-onset-time (VOT) in word-initial voiceless stop consonants, and that learning how a talker produces one voiceless stop transfers to another word with the same voiceless stop [Allen, J. S., and Miller, J. L. (2004). J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 115, 3171-3183]. The present experiments examined whether transfer extends to words that begin with different voiceless stops. During training, listeners heard two talkers produce a given voiceless-initial word (e.g., pain). VOTs were manipulated such that one talker produced the voiceless stop with relatively short VOTs and the other with relatively long VOTs. At test, listeners heard a short- and long-VOT variant of the same word (e.g., pain) or a word beginning with a different voiceless stop (e.g., cane or coal), and were asked to select which of the two VOT variants was most representative of a given talker. In all conditions, which variant was selected at test was in line with listeners' exposure during training, and the effect was equally strong for the novel word and the training word. These findings suggest that accommodating talker-specific phonetic detail does not require exposure to each individual phonetic segment.

Individual talker differences in voice-onset-time: contextual influences.

Previous research indicates that talkers differ in phonetically relevant properties of speech, including voice-onset-time (VOT) in word-initial stop consonants; some talkers have characteristically shorter VOTs than others. Previous research also indicates that VOT is robustly affected by contextual influences, including speaking rate and place of articulation. This paper examines whether these contextual influences on VOT are themselves talker-specific. Many tokens of alveolar ti (experiment 1) or labial pi and velar ki (experiment 2) were elicited from talkers across a range of rates. VOT and vowel duration (a metric of rate) were measured for each token. Hierarchical linear modeling analyses showed that (1) VOT increased as rate decreased for all talkers, but the magnitude of the increase varied significantly across talkers; thus the effect of rate on VOT was talker-specific; (2) the talker-specific effect of rate was stable across a change in place of articulation; and (3) for all talkers VOTs were shorter for labial than velar stops, and there was no significant variability in the magnitude of this displacement across talkers; thus the effect of place on VOT was not talker-specific. The implications of these findings for how listeners might accommodate talker differences in VOT during speech perception are discussed.

Effect of speaking rate on the identification of word boundaries.

Two experiments were conducted to determine whether listeners' ability to use allophonic variation to identify word boundaries is influenced by speaking rate. Listeners in both experiments were presented two-word sequences (such as great eyes) spoken by naturally fast and naturally slow talkers; in one experiment the sequences were presented in quiet and in the other they were presented in noise. The listeners' task was to identify the intended sequence from among four choices with alternative segmentations (e.g. great eyes, gray ties, great ties, gray eyes). In both experiments performance was worse for the sequences produced by the naturally fast talkers than for those produced by the naturally slow talkers. This finding suggests that the extent to which allophonic variation contributes to the identification of word boundaries may depend on the rate at which the speech was produced.

Use of visual information in speech perception: evidence for a visual rate effect both with and without a McGurk effect.

The McGurk effect, where an incongruent visual syllable influences identification of an auditory syllable, does not always occur, suggesting that perceivers sometimes fail to use relevant visual phonetic information. We tested whether another visual phonetic effect, which involves the influence of visual speaking rate on perceived voicing (Green & Miller, 1985), would occur in instances when the McGurk effect does not. In Experiment 1, we established this visual rate effect using auditory and visual stimuli matching in place of articulation, finding a shift in the voicing boundary along an auditory voice-onset-time continuum with fast versus slow visual speech tokens. In Experiment 2, we used auditory and visual stimuli differing in place of articulation and found a shift in the voicing boundary due to visual rate when the McGurk effect occurred and, more critically, when it did not. The latter finding indicates that phonetically relevant visual information is used in speech perception even when the McGurk effect does not occur, suggesting that the incidence of the McGurk effect underestimates the extent of audio-visual integration.

Listener sensitivity to individual talker differences in voice-onset-time.

Recent findings in the domains of word and talker recognition reveal that listeners use previous experience with an individual talker's voice to facilitate subsequent perceptual processing of that talker's speech. These findings raise the possibility that listeners are sensitive to talker-specific acoustic-phonetic properties. The present study tested this possibility directly by examining listeners' sensitivity to talker differences in the voice-onset-time (VOT) associated with a word-initial voiceless stop consonant. Listeners were trained on the speech of two talkers. Speech synthesis was used to manipulate the VOTs of these talkers so that one had short VOTs and the other had long VOTs (counterbalanced across listeners). The results of two experiments using a paired-comparison task revealed that, when presented with a short- versus long-VOT variant of a given talker's speech, listeners could select the variant consistent with their experience of that talker's speech during training. This was true when listeners were tested on the same word heard during training and when they were tested on a different word spoken by the same talker, indicating that listeners generalized talker-specific VOT information to a novel word. Such sensitivity to talker-specific acoustic-phonetic properties may subserve at least in part listeners' capacity to benefit from talker-specific experience.

Visual influences on the internal structure of phonetic categories.

Previous work has demonstrated that the graded internal structure of phonetic categories is sensitive to a variety of contextual factors. One such factor is place of articulation: The best exemplars of voiceless stop consonants along auditory bilabial and velar voice onset time (VOT) continua occur over different ranges of VOTs (Volaitis & Miller, 1992). In the present study, we exploited the McGurk effect to examine whether visual information for place of articulation also shifts the best exemplar range for voiceless consonants, following Green and Kuhl's (1989) demonstration of effects of visual place of articulation on the location of voicing boundaries. In Experiment 1, we established that /p/ and /t/ have different best exemplar ranges along auditory bilabial and alveolar VOT continua. We then found, in Experiment 2, a similar shift in the best-exemplar range for /t/ relative to that for /p/ when there was a change in visual place of articulation, with auditory place of articulation held constant. These findings indicate that the perceptual mechanisms that determine internal phonetic category structure are sensitive to visual, as well as to auditory, information.

Individual talker differences in voice-onset-time.

Individual talkers differ in the acoustic properties of their speech, and at least some of these differences are in acoustic properties relevant for phonetic perception. Recent findings from studies of speech perception have shown that listeners can exploit such differences to facilitate both the recognition of talkers' voices and the recognition of words spoken by familiar talkers. These findings motivate the current study, whose aim is to examine individual talker variation in a particular phonetically-relevant acoustic property, voice-onset-time (VOT). VOT is a temporal property that robustly specifies voicing in stop consonants. From the broad literature involving VOT, it appears that individual talkers differ from one another in their VOT productions. The current study confirmed this finding for eight talkers producing monosyllabic words beginning with voiceless stop consonants. Moreover, when differences in VOT due to variability in speaking rate across the talkers were factored out using hierarchical linear modeling, individual talkers still differed from one another in VOT, though these differences were attenuated. These findings provide evidence that VOT varies systematically from talker to talker and may therefore be one phonetically-relevant acoustic property underlying listeners' capacity to benefit from talker-specific experience.