Developing an index of educational risk from health and social characteristics known at birth.

The goal of the work described in this report was to develop a new child health index that could be reported annually by the National Education Goals Panel for each of the 50 states, as well as for local areas. This index would serve as an indicator of health conditions at birth that relate to children's readiness to learn upon school entry. The new standard birth certificate adopted by nearly all states in 1989 contains more than a dozen items of information that are potentially useful for this purpose. The availability of these data make it possible to sum across the individual health factors to form a composite index made up of factors with demonstrated relevance to later educational performance for all children born in a given year in a given geographical area. In this paper, we describe the development of such an index. Our index consisted of six risk factors: late (third trimester) or no prenatal care, low maternal weight gain (<21 pounds), closely spaced birth (within 18 months of a previous birth to the same mother), three or more older siblings, mother smoked during pregnancy, or mother drank alcohol during pregnancy. In 1990, 55% of all births had none of these risk factors, while 14% had two or more of these risk factors. There were substantial variations by race and ethnicity on this index. American Indian births fared the worst with only 37% of such births having no risks and 28% having two or more risks. Asian births, on the other hand, had the best start on life with 62% of Asian births showing no risks and 11% showing two or more risks. To demonstrate the importance of the index to future school success, we analyzed data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, predicting from birth characteristics to children's reading and vocabulary test scores at ages 4 and 5.

Age at first childbirth and later poverty.

PIP: A linear structural equation model is used in this research study in order to estimate the simultaneous effects of age at first birth on a woman's subsequent socioeconomic conditions and related outcomes after the age of 27 years. Estimation was accomplished with a variant of Amemiya's principle and a feasible generalized least squares estimator. Analysis involved examination of the bivariate relationship between age at first birth and poverty at age 27 years for Blacks, Hispanics, and Whites, followed by structural equation models for each racial group and then analysis of the total and indirect effects of age at first birth on poverty. Poverty is measured as the ratio of family income to the poverty threshold. Findings indicate that the association between early childbearing and poverty at the age of 27 years is very strong. Young women with educated parents and women with reading materials in their home before the age of 14 years achieved more schooling. When these effects were controlled, being raised by both parents and having more siblings were only associated with more schooling among Whites. Rural Blacks and Whites completed more schooling than rural Hispanics. Blacks in poor states had lower educational attainment. Age at first birth was only significant among Hispanics. First birth was delayed by 1.26 years among Blacks, 0.88 years among Whites, and 0.98 years among Hispanics for having an additional year of schooling. Delaying marriage had the strongest effect among Whites. Delayed childbearing among Blacks was predicted by having fewer siblings, being raised by both parents, and later menstruation. Earlier White childbearing was associated with women from larger families and women with larger ideal family sizes. Hispanic women raised by both parents was associated with delayed childbearing. Findings confirm that age at first birth was associated for all racial groups with poverty. Age at first birth affected educational attainment of Hispanics and age at first marriage among Whites. Age at first birth impacted on poverty through the number of children among Blacks and Whites, White and Hispanic women's earnings, and Hispanic earnings among other household members. Delaying first births had minimal impact on later poverty among Blacks and considerable impact among Whites and Hispanics.^ieng

Consequences of teen-age parenting.

The changing context of teen-age childbearing and current related controversies are reviewed. Recent research about the consequences of teen-age childbearing for the teen-age mother, the father, and for the children born is examined. The article also summarizes current knowledge about the consequences of teen-age childbearing with regard to the mother's educational attainment, marital experience, subsequent fertility behavior, labor force experience and occupational attainment, and experience with poverty and welfare.

Nonvoluntary sexual activity among adolescents.

Data from the 1987 round of the National Survey of Children indicate that seven percent of Americans aged 18-22 have experienced at least one episode of nonvoluntary sexual intercourse. Women were more likely than men to report having had such an experience, with just under half of all nonvoluntary experiences among women occurring before the age of 14. Multiple classification analysis reveals that white women who had lived apart from their parents before age 16, those who had been brought up in poverty, those who had had a physical, emotional or mental limitation when they were young, those whose parents had been heavy drinkers, those whose parents had used illegal drugs and those whose parents had smoked cigarettes when they themselves were teenagers were at significantly greater risk for experiencing sexual abuse. Six percent of young white women with no risk factors, nine percent of those with one, 26 percent of those with two, and 68 percent of those with three or more had been sexually abused before or during adolescence.

Delayed childbearing in the U.S.: facts and fictions.

PIP: Between 1970-82, the proportion of 1st births in the US to women 25 and older rose from 19-36% and the proportion of women still childless at ages 25-34 increased by 56% at about the same time. Although a sharp contrast with the baby boom era of the 1950s and 1960s, todays's epidemic of delayed childbearing is similar to patterns earlier in the 20th century. As then, much is due to delayed age at marriage, but baby boomers now in the their late 20s and early 30s are also delaying childbirth after marriage. The trend stems in part from their economic difficulties as they compete in a tight job market caused both by their large numbers and a turbulent economy. But it is also related to women's increasing education and, in turn, increasing opportunities in and commitment to the labor force, which can be expected to encourage a delayed childbearing even after prospects brighten for young people. Although a diverse group, most of today's delayed childbearers are white, highly educated, 2-career couples. Adequate daytime care for preschool children is a prime concern. Although more employers now offer childcare assistance and flexible work schedules to working parents, the juggle between jobs and childraising can be a strain. On the plus side are delayed childbearers' greater maturity and generally higher incomes, which can ease potential problems created by parent-child age differences as their children grow up. Businesses have been quick to respond to the new market of older, affluent, 1st-time mothers. New methods of treating of circumventing infertility and prenatal detection of chromosomal birth defects can now help overcome potential biological problems that may concern women who choose to delay childbearing past age 30.^ieng