Subject(s)
Developing Countries , Employment , Women , Developing Countries/economics , Developing Countries/history , Economics/history , Economics/legislation & jurisprudence , Employment/economics , Employment/history , Employment/legislation & jurisprudence , Family/ethnology , History, 20th Century , Household Work/economics , Household Work/history , Household Work/legislation & jurisprudence , Income/history , Mexico/ethnology , Public Health/economics , Public Health/history , Public Health/legislation & jurisprudence , Social Change/history , Social Class , Social Welfare/economics , Social Welfare/ethnology , Social Welfare/history , Social Welfare/legislation & jurisprudence , Socioeconomic Factors , Women/education , Women/history , Women, Working/education , Women, Working/history , Women, Working/legislation & jurisprudenceABSTRACT
This paper assesses the effects of changes in women's education and labor force participation on nuptiality patterns and their implications for fertility decline in Venezuela. Results show that together with delays in union formation, changes in women's education and labor force participation produced a different, more "modern" type of consensual union, which coexists with "traditional" consensual unions. "Traditional" consensual unions remain a substitute for formal marriage among women from rural origins with low levels of education and higher levels of work experience. "Modern" consensual unions appear to be an option for well-educated women of urban origins. As in developed countries, these unions assume the form of a trial period before marriage or an alternative to singlehood. "Modern" consensual unions are more unstable than "traditional" consensual unions and they are associated with lower fertility.
Subject(s)
Birth Rate , Gender Identity , Marriage/trends , Sexual Partners , Social Change , Adult , Female , Humans , Logistic Models , Middle Aged , Socioeconomic Factors , Venezuela/epidemiologyABSTRACT
"Economic arguments, quantitative data, and ethnographic case studies are presented to counter popular misconceptions about international labor migration and its economic consequences in Mexico. The prevailing view is that Mexico-U.S. migration discourages autonomous economic growth within Mexico, at both the local and national levels, and that it promotes economic dependency. However, results estimated from a multiplier model suggest that the inflow of migradollars stimulates economic activity, both directly and indirectly, and that it leads to significantly higher levels of employment, investment, and income within specific communities and the nation as a whole. The annual arrival of around $2 billion migradollars generates economic activity that accounts for 10 percent of Mexico's output and 3 percent of its Gross Domestic Product."
Subject(s)
Economics , Emigration and Immigration , Transients and Migrants , Americas , Demography , Developing Countries , Latin America , Mexico , North America , Population , Population DynamicsABSTRACT
The theoretical and empirical literature generally regards international migration as producing a cycle of dependency and stunted development in sending communities. Most migrants' earnings are spent on consumption; few funds are channeled into productive investment. We argue that this view is misleading because it ignores the conditions under which productive investment is likely to be possible and profitable. We analyze the determinants of migrants' savings and remittance decisions, using variables defined at the individual, household, community, and macroeconomic levels. We identify the conditions under which U.S. earnings are repatriated to Mexico as remittances and savings, and indicate the factors leading to their productive investment.
