Consumptive and Non-Consumptive Uses of Water Beetles (Aquatic coleopterans) in Sub-Saharan Traditional Rituals.

The use of wild animals in customary rituals and as a sustenance resource is a longstanding tradition within sub-Saharan Africa. The emergence of commercial trade, has, however, created unattainable demands and has led to the overexploitation of animals. These demands are threatening the conservation of animal species exploited in this trade. Comparatively little research effort has been dedicated to invertebrate species, and, specifically, their non-commercial uses. We explored the uses of water beetles in traditional rituals. We investigate the extent to which each of the non-commercial uses of water beetles exhibits consumptive and non-consumptive use features. The concepts are contested as their application for describing human-animal interactions has been challenged because of insufficient physiological and conservation data on the implications for animals of such interactions. The inadequacy of the available data pertaining to the use of animal resources was particularly pronounced. Most research efforts are skewed towards vertebrates at the expense of invertebrates. Regardless, the study shows that most non-commercial exploitation and uses of water beetles were mainly non-destructive and, if consumptive, the uses could be described as mainly non-lethal consumptive or sub-lethal consumptive. Rituals that could be described as lethal-consumptive comprised a smaller fraction of the uses of water beetles.

Zimbabwe culture before Mapungubwe: new evidence from Mapela Hill, South-Western Zimbabwe.

Across the globe, the emergence of complex societies excites intense academic debate in archaeology and allied disciplines. Not surprisingly, in southern Africa the traditional assumption that the evolution of socio-political complexity began with ideological transformations from K2 to Mapungubwe between CE1200 and 1220 is clouded in controversy. It is believed that the K2-Mapungubwe transitions crystallised class distinction and sacred leadership, thought to be the key elements of the Zimbabwe culture on Mapungubwe Hill long before they emerged anywhere else. From Mapungubwe (CE1220-1290), the Zimbabwe culture was expressed at Great Zimbabwe (CE1300-1450) and eventually Khami (CE1450-1820). However, new fieldwork at Mapela Hill, when coupled with a Bayesian chronology, offers tremendous fresh insights which refute this orthodoxy. Firstly, Mapela possesses enormous prestige stone-walled terraces whose initial construction date from the 11th century CE, almost two hundred years earlier than Mapungubwe. Secondly, the basal levels of the Mapela terraces and hilltop contain élite solid dhaka (adobe) floors associated with K2 pottery and glass beads. Thirdly, with a hilltop and flat area occupation since the 11th century CE, Mapela exhibits evidence of class distinction and sacred leadership earlier than K2 and Mapungubwe, the supposed propagators of the Zimbabwe culture. Fourthly, Mapungubwe material culture only appeared later in the Mapela sequence and therefore post-dates the earliest appearance of stone walling and dhaka floors at the site. Since stone walls, dhaka floors and class distinction are the essence of the Zimbabwe culture, their earlier appearance at Mapela suggests that Mapungubwe can no longer be regarded as the sole cradle of the Zimbabwe culture. This demands not just fresh ways of accounting for the rise of socio-political complexity in southern Africa, but also significant adjustments to existing models.