Links between parent-child conversations about emotions and changes in children's emotion knowledge across early childhood.

This study examined different sources of emotion socialization. Children (N = 256, 115 girls, 129 boys, 12 child gender not reported) and parents (62% White, 9% Black, 19% Hispanic, 3% Asian American, and 7% "Other") were recruited from Denver, Colorado. In waves 1 (Mage = 2.45 years, SD = 0.26) and 2 (Mage = 3.51 years, SD = 0.26), parents and children discussed wordless images of children experiencing an emotion (e.g., sad after dropping ice cream). Children's emotion knowledge was assessed at waves 2 and 3 (Mage = 4.48 years, SD = 0.26). Structural equation modeling found concurrent and prospective relations between parents' questions, parents' emotion talk, children's emotion talk, and children's emotion knowledge, highlighting the multidimensional nature of early emotion socialization.

"Oh no! What happened?" an investigation of parent-child conversations about self-conscious emotions.

Parents play an important role in socializing children's emotion understanding. Previous research shows that parents emphasize different aspects of emotion contexts depending on the discrete emotion. However, there is limited research on how parents and children discuss self-conscious emotions, such as embarrassment, guilt, and shame, and what socialization practices parents employ to elicit children's talk about these emotions. In this study, children (N = 166, 78 females, 88 males) ages 2-3 years (M = 2.46, SD = 0.26) and their parents (65.5% White, 10.2% Black, 17.5% Hispanic, 2.4% Asian American, and 5.4% other) from a large city in the Western United States discussed a wordless storybook depicting different female and male characters experiencing self-conscious emotions (embarrassment, guilt, shame, awe, and pride). Parents' and children's emotion talk and parents' questions were coded from their conversations about each emotion scenario and subsequently analyzed by discrete emotion, child gender, and the depicted character's gender. Parents and children differentially focused on different aspects of each self-conscious emotion as a function of discrete emotion and picture gender, and elements of children's talk about self-conscious emotions were related to children's expressive language and age. Additionally, parents' emotion talk and questions about emotions were directly related to children's emotion talk, even after controlling for children's age, expressive language, and parental education. Taken together, these findings suggest that parent-child emotion conversations may be one context that facilitates the development of children's understanding of self-conscious emotions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Silencing screaming with screens: The longitudinal relationship between media emotion regulation processes and children's emotional reactivity, emotional knowledge, and empathy.

Many parents use screens to regulate their young children's emotions. We know very little, however, about how this parenting practice is related to the development of emotional competencies (i.e., emotional reactivity, emotion knowledge, and empathy) over time. The current longitudinal study examined bidirectional associations between media emotion regulation and various emotional competencies across a 1-year period during early childhood (between ages 3.5 and 4.5 on average). Participants included 269 child/parent dyads who completed a number of in-home tasks and questionnaires. Results revealed that higher levels of media emotion regulation were associated with worse emotional knowledge and empathy and higher emotional reactivity at the cross-sectional level. However, early media emotion regulation was associated with higher levels of child empathy 1 year later. We discuss these results in the context of general parenting practices and encourage future research on the topic with a focus on how these processes develop over time. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Variability in infant helping and sharing behaviors across the second and third years of life: Differential roles of target and socialization.

Infants can help and share in the second year of life. However, there is limited knowledge as to variability in these behaviors as a function of target (e.g., caregiver vs. unfamiliar adult) and the influence of caregiver support on infant prosocial behavior. Infants (N = 268, 124 female) at 1-2 years of age (M = 1.47, SD = .27) and again at 2-3 years of age (M = 2.48, SD = .26) participated in a helping task (with the caregiver or unfamiliar experimenter), a sharing task (with either target), and a free-play observation with their primary caregiver from which caregiver support was coded. The racial and ethnic composition of the sample consisted of 3% Asian, 10% Black, 20% Hispanic, 59% White, 1% mixed race, and 6% "other." Median family annual income was $50,000 to $59,000, and median caregiver education level was "some college." Infant helping favored caregivers at both time points. However, infant sharing did not differ by target for 1-2-year-olds, but 2-3-year-olds shared more with their caregivers than an unfamiliar experimenter. Additionally, infants' behaviors antecedent to the act of helping or sharing (e.g., latency to respond, checking behaviors, and looking duration toward the target) differed by target. Concurrent relations between caregiver support and helping and sharing were moderated by age and differed by time point. Caregiver support for 1-2-year-olds also longitudinally predicted an age-moderated relation with 2-3-year-olds' helping toward an unfamiliar experimenter. Theoretical implications for the role of socialization in the emergence of helping and sharing behaviors are discussed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Associations between brain and behavioral processing of facial expressions of emotion and sensory reactivity in young children.

The ability to decode and accurately identify information from facial emotions may advantage young children socially. This capacity to decode emotional information may likewise be influenced by individual differences in children's temperament. This study investigated whether sensory reactivity and perceptual awareness, two dimensions of temperament, as well as children's ability to accurately label emotions relates to the neural processing of emotional content in faces. Event related potentials (ERPs) of 4 to 6 year-old children (N  = 119) were elicited from static displays of anger, happy, fearful, sad, and neutral emotion faces. Children, as a group, exhibited differential early (N290) and mid-latency (P400) event-related potentials (ERPs) in response to facial expressions of emotion. Individual differences in children's sensory reactivity were associated with enhanced P400 amplitudes to neutral, sad, and fearful faces. In a separate task, children were asked to provide an emotional label for the same images. Interestingly, children less accurately labeled the same neutral, sad, and fearful faces, suggesting that, contrary to previous work showing enhanced attentional processing to threatening cues (i.e., fear), children higher in sensory reactivity may deploy more attentional resources when decoding ambiguous emotional cues.

The Unique and Interactive Effects of Faces, Postures, and Scenes on Emotion Categorization.

There is ongoing debate as to whether emotion perception is determined by facial expressions or context (i.e., non-facial cues). The present investigation examined the independent and interactive effects of six emotions (anger, disgust, fear, joy, sadness, neutral) conveyed by combinations of facial expressions, bodily postures, and background scenes in a fully crossed design. Participants viewed each face-posture-scene (FPS) combination for 5 s and were then asked to categorize the emotion depicted in the image. Four key findings emerged from the analyses: (1) For fully incongruent FPS combinations, participants categorized images using the face in 61% of instances and the posture and scene in 18% and 11% of instances, respectively; (2) postures (with neutral scenes) and scenes (with neutral postures) exerted differential influences on emotion categorizations when combined with incongruent facial expressions; (3) contextual asymmetries were observed for some incongruent face-posture pairings and their inverse (e.g., anger-fear vs. fear-anger), but not for face-scene pairings; (4) finally, scenes exhibited a boosting effect of posture when combined with a congruent posture and attenuated the effect of posture when combined with a congruent face. Overall, these findings highlight independent and interactional roles of posture and scene in emotion face perception. Theoretical implications for the study of emotions in context are discussed. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s42761-021-00061-x.

Did you mean to do that? Infants use emotional communication to infer and re-enact others' intended actions.

Infants readily re-enact others' intended actions during the second year of life. However, the role of emotion in appreciating others' intentions and how this understanding develops in infancy remains unstudied. In the present study, 15- and 18-month-old infants observed an experimenter repeatedly attempt but fail to produce a target action on an object and express either frustration or neutral affect after each attempt. Analyses of infants' responses revealed that 18-month-old infants, but not 15-month-olds, produced more target actions in the frustration condition than the neutral condition. These results suggest that infants use emotional communication to disambiguate and re-enact others' intended actions and that this ability develops in the second year of life.

Adult Judges Use Heuristics When Categorizing Infants' Naturally Occurring Responses to Others' Emotions.

Inferring the motivations of others is a fundamental aspect of social interaction. However, making such inferences about infants can be challenging. This investigation examined adults' ability to infer the eliciting event of an infant's behavior and what information adults utilize to make such inferences. In Study 1, adult participants viewed recordings of 24-month-old infants responding to an actor's emotional display (joy, sadness, fear, anger, or disgust) toward a broken toy and were asked to infer which emotion the actor expressed using only the infant's behavioral responses. Importantly, videos were blurred and muted to ensure that the only information available regarding the actor's emotion was the infant's reaction. Overall, adults were poor judges of the elicitors of infants' behaviors with accuracy levels below 50%. However, adults' categorizations appeared systematic, suggesting that they may have used consistently miscategorized emotions. To explore this possibility, a second study was conducted in which a separate sample of adults viewed the original recordings and were asked to identify infants' goal-directed behaviors (i.e., security seeking, social avoidance, information seeking, prosocial behavior, exploration, relaxed play). Overall, adults perceived a variety of infant differentiated responses to discrete emotions. Furthermore, infants' goal-directed behaviors were significantly associated with adults' earlier "miscategorizations." Infants who responded with specific behaviors were consistently categorized as having responded to specific emotions, such as prosocial behavior in response to sadnesss. Taken together, these results suggest that when explicit emotion information is unavailable, adults may use heuristics of emotional responsiveness to guide their categorizations of emotion elicitors.

The influence of context on distinct facial expressions of disgust.

Face perception is susceptible to contextual influence and perceived physical similarities between emotion cues. However, studies often use structurally homogeneous facial expressions, making it difficult to explore how within-emotion variability in facial configuration affects emotion perception. This study examined the influence of context on the emotional perception of categorically identical, yet physically distinct, facial expressions of disgust. Participants categorized two perceptually distinct disgust facial expressions, "closed" (i.e., scrunched nose, closed mouth) and "open" (i.e., scrunched nose, open mouth, protruding tongue), that were embedded in contexts comprising emotion postures and scenes. Results demonstrated that the effect of nonfacial elements was significantly stronger for "open" disgust facial expressions than "closed" disgust facial expressions. These findings provide support that physical similarity within discrete categories of facial expressions is mutable and plays an important role in affective face perception. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Putting "context" in context: The effects of body posture and emotion scene on adult categorizations of disgust facial expressions.

Affective face perception is influenced by nonfacial contextual elements. However, investigations often conflate body posture and emotion scene, making it unclear whether posture or the combination of posture and scene produces perception-altering effects. This study examined adults' categorizations of disgust facial expressions superimposed onto isolated emotion postures or postures embedded in emotion scenes. Results indicated that emotional postures exerted a significant contextual effect on adults' emotion categorizations of disgust faces. Of note, postures in emotion scenes exerted a stronger contextual effect than isolated postures for sadness and fear contexts. These findings suggest that contextual elements exert varying degrees of influence on emotion perception and produce combinatorial effects. (PsycINFO Database Record

Postural Communication of Emotion: Perception of Distinct Poses of Five Discrete Emotions.

Emotion can be communicated through multiple distinct modalities. However, an often-ignored channel of communication is posture. Recent research indicates that bodily posture plays an important role in the perception of emotion. However, research examining postural communication of emotion is limited by the variety of validated emotion poses and unknown cohesion of categorical and dimensional ratings. The present study addressed these limitations. Specifically, we examined individuals' (1) categorization of emotion postures depicting 5 discrete emotions (joy, sadness, fear, anger, and disgust), (2) categorization of different poses depicting the same discrete emotion, and (3) ratings of valence and arousal for each emotion pose. Findings revealed that participants successfully categorized each posture as the target emotion, including disgust. Moreover, participants accurately identified multiple distinct poses within each emotion category. In addition to the categorical responses, dimensional ratings of valence and arousal revealed interesting overlap and distinctions between and within emotion categories. These findings provide the first evidence of an identifiable posture for disgust and instantiate the principle of equifinality of emotional communication through the inclusion of distinct poses within emotion categories. Additionally, the dimensional ratings corroborated the categorical data and provide further granularity for future researchers to consider in examining how distinct emotion poses are perceived.

Infant differential behavioral responding to discrete emotions.

Emotional communication regulates the behaviors of social partners. Research on individuals' responding to others' emotions typically compares responses to a single negative emotion compared with responses to a neutral or positive emotion. Furthermore, coding of such responses routinely measure surface level features of the behavior (e.g., approach vs. avoidance) rather than its underlying function (e.g., the goal of the approach or avoidant behavior). This investigation examined infants' responding to others' emotional displays across 5 discrete emotions: joy, sadness, fear, anger, and disgust. Specifically, 16-, 19-, and 24-month-old infants observed an adult communicate a discrete emotion toward a stimulus during a naturalistic interaction. Infants' responses were coded to capture the function of their behaviors (e.g., exploration, prosocial behavior, and security seeking). The results revealed a number of instances indicating that infants use different functional behaviors in response to discrete emotions. Differences in behaviors across emotions were clearest in the 24-month-old infants, though younger infants also demonstrated some differential use of behaviors in response to discrete emotions. This is the first comprehensive study to identify differences in how infants respond with goal-directed behaviors to discrete emotions. Additionally, the inclusion of a function-based coding scheme and interpersonal paradigms may be informative for future emotion research with children and adults. Possible developmental accounts for the observed behaviors and the benefits of coding techniques emphasizing the function of social behavior over their form are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record